نشریه جامعه شناسی تاریخی
سال دوازدهم شماره 1 (بهار و تابستان 1399)

It’s frequently asked and answered “how” and “why” “Iranian Constitutional Revolution” “happened”? The Constitutional Revolution of Iran has been the subject of many dissertations and investigations during the last century, and continues to receive scholarly attention increasingly. These attempts, however, do not deal with the conditions, under which the idea of the constitution was formed, the gradual development of social changes that finally have crystallized in the constitution, and the way in which the constitution got legitimacy. Briefly characterizing, most of the answers and explanations, are, in one way or another, examples of orientalism. They highlight the defeats of attempts to make reforms in political structures to limit the arbitrary will of the shah and governors of provinces, to bring about a central administration and so on; they point their finger to the strength of despotic structures and resistance of rulers against all of these reforms. They assert that the failure of reforms left no way except Revolution. So, Iranians, who then due to getting familiar with European countries were aware of the constitutional monarchy, when started to protest, started to ask for the constitution, and finally, they were able to force the shah to grant the constitution. The article tries through criticizing Katouzian and Foran’s explanations of the Constitutional Revolution, and exploiting insights of Weber and Durkheim, historically situate the genesis of the so-called “Iranian Constitution” and explain complexities around its formation.

This research is a comparative study of the two discourses of the religious intellectual of the 40s and the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. In this essay, the author first used the epistemological framework of Lacla and Mouffechr('39')s theory and its methodological strategy to articulate these discourses based on their central slab. Shariati, with a sociological point of view, was able to present a political image of Islam centered on "revolutionary-social Islam", and the forerunner of the Islamic Revolution. In the continuation of this discourse, the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, also with a jurisprudential approach, with the focus of "pure Islam" as the central axis in the epicenter of the epistemological and thematic, of all political movements after the Islamic Revolution, with the same discursive components, was able to reproduce in a newer and more different form of production and theorize. Findings of the research indicate that both discourses, based on the belief in the combination of religion and politics with a relatively democratic approach and through the use of the "nations and pontificate" system, were able to establish their ideal state which, in contrast to totalitarian systems, religion the traditional and supportive clerics led to the marginalization of the dominant discourse and ruling of the era, the "Pahlavi’s discourse”. Both of these discourses, with the limitations of the powers of the leadership, however, despite the differences in the form and content, were able to emphasize the role of the people and their influence on the choice.

Banesh cultural period in South of Iran is considered a vital phase in increasing socio-economic complexities in second half of fourth millennium (BC). Manufacture and specialty distribution of industrial& nutritional products, along with a change in settlement patterns and ecological strategies, demonstrate a pervasive regional evolution which establish a different system in Baneshi community of Kor River Basin. In the meantime,some archeological evidence depicts features of a specialty community in the field of manufacturing and distribution of animal products, beside agricultural and industrial communities of this Basin in a way that its existence as a modern phenomenon is affected by economical complexity in mentioned time and place period. The present paper depicts the formation and expansion of full- time pastoralism in articulation of socio-economic system of this era and represents an explanation for the evolution of productive strategies and formation of ways to exchange animal products by applying middle-range approach and historical - ethnological analogy.

This paper studies the situation of the developmental state in Iran and its role in promoting economic development. The main question of the present study is why in the post-revolutionary Iran, the "developmental state" did not function efficiently and could not successfully promote the economic development of the country. To answer the research question, Adrian Leftwichchr('39')s theory of developmental state was used as the conceptual framework of the present study. Douglass C. North et al.’s theory of social orders was also applied. The present study is based on historical research method and narrative analysis technique. In the present study, the "national government" is the unit of analysis. Domestic, regional and international events and conditions are selected as the context of economic development in relation to the national state and are analyzed on a time-lapse basis. According to the findings, the structural and institutional weaknesses of the state along with regional and international developments have led the country to internal and external tensions. Thus, despite the effectiveness of the state in Hashemi Rafsanjani and early Khatami period, the country enters internal and external tensions and eventually the “security” discourse replaces the “development” discourse. Under such circumstances, the countrychr('39')s priorities and institutional arrangements would no longer be “developmentally-driven”, and the process of economic development of the country would be interrupted and even set back.

The Loya Jirga has been known as one of the most and influential National Grand Assembly in contemporary Afghanistan since two centuries. This grand assembly has a firm affiliation with Afghanistan constitution. From the eight sections of the constitution legislation, seven of which are passed by the Loya Jirga. And, from the six clauses of the constitution, a full clause is about the Loya Jirga. This is despite the fact that this institution has been criticized by some of the Afghan experts and commentators who has privatively regarded it.  In this paper, the matter is discussed with a descriptive-analytical approach to explain the historical reflection of the status and achievements of the Loy Jirga in the socio-political structure of contemporary Afghanistan. The concept, content, and descent discussion is followed by privative and positive attitudes of the triple currents Historical historiography of Afghanistan (nationalist, leftist, and Islamist) the method has continued as such.  The research highlights that the impact of contemporary historiography on the political conditions and vitality of the Loya Jirga in legitimizing the political power and despite the critique of the ethnic origins affecting their functional nature, it has led the mentioned triple movements to consider it of significant importance.

Immediately after the issuance of the constitutional order, the Electoral Code was developed and approved to determine the mechanism for holding the first national assembly elections. Guild and class elections were based on this Electoral Code. The guild-based nature of the elections was closely related to the role played by different social classes in the Constitutional Revolution coming to fruition. Despite the criticisms posed against the Electoral Code, it opened the path to political participation as the first experience on the path to democracy. After Tehran, Tabriz was the second city that set out to hold an election. Public and civil institutions in Tabriz took the responsibility for holding the elections. Despite the problems and ambiguities involved, the first national assembly elections in Azarbayjan  is considered as a defensible, progressive and helpful experience in realizing the promise of public participation and the right to determine the country’s political and social destiny. The present study is an analysis of the Electoral Code and the elections process in Azarbayjan, Iran, as a central issue in the first democratic experience in Iran and Azarbayjan based on original sources.

This article seeks to reveal the strategy by which the Iranian rulers and elites tried to develop the Iranian culture in the First Pahlavi era. The research method which has been used is historical research method; and needed data have been gathered from library resources. The rationality theory of Max Weber is the theoretical framework and based on this theory the first Pahlavichr('39')s cultural development strategy has been recognized as " the Development of Instrumental Rationality". Under the impact of applying such strategy in that era, some negative consequences have been occurred beside the positive consequences. As the subject of this paper first Pahlavichr('39')s cultural development strategy has been the Considering of some pathological aspect of the mater, the results demonstrates that three negative result have been created under the impact of the implementation of the strategy in question which are: the expansion of Autocracy and Totalitarianism, Oppressive Nationalism and Militant secularism.

The Manor ’s castles in Bahar County are examples of plains castles that during the later centuries of Islam because of the weakness of the central government and chaos caused by the existing power structure in the country and also to stay and settle local tribal chiefs and their people, were built by local rulers. Natural hills and elevations overlooking the surrounding areas and better defensively has been special attention for building castles in the region, like all castles plains. One of the major features of the manor castles of Bahar County is different use of the tower in the castle building, which overtime have different functions such as residence and scout. The main decorations of castles are in the governorchr('39')s seat, especially in the columns and pillars of the porch and also is evident in acrography design inside the building which is executed with a variety vegetable motif and a spiral motifs. These buildings as local government with secure, have drawn attention in the past. In this study, castles with the aim of survey architectural structures and decorative elements used in them and also analysis of typical characteristics common among them, studied and examined. The cause of formation of these structures and their role in regional security during the Qajar period is the most important issue that needs to be answered in this study. Study approach is "explanatory, analytical and field", has discussed the conditions of this category of buildings.

Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist, believes that the tastes, judgments , and talents of people are social things, resulting in the social process of being a person during life. He regards the taste of the artist as the creature of taste for society, the taste of the class with cultural, social and symbolic capital. This paper aims to explore the comparative study of the signs of change in the works of Kamal al-Molk and Jacques - Louis David, based on Bourdieu chr('39')s ideas. Each of the two painters has worked on the milestone in their history. In this study, we have tried to explain a descriptive and historical method in addition to finding the cause of specific style selection of each of these painters, why or not the signs of change in works of David and Kamal al-Molk, can be explained using Bourdieu chr('39')s ideas. Findings indicate that the selection of naturalist and naturalist styles is influenced by the two artists influenced by the educational system, cultural capital, and their position in relation to the field of power. In relation to the signs of change, you cannot see a change in Kamal al-Molk works, given the inclusion of him in the category of independent artists of the field of painting, while in David, due to his position in the ruling class opposition, the change will be seen.