مجله علوم سیاسی
پیاپی 35 (تابستان 1395)

China’s one belt one road (OBOR) initiative unveiled by President Xi Jinping in 2013, aims to restore the country’s old land and sea trade routes and to boost economic connectivity between Asia, Europe and Africa. It covers 65 countries and six economic corridors accounting for two thirds of the world’s population and one third of the world’s GDP. In this paper the authors look at the opportunities it offers and some of the challenges for investors China’s one belt one road.  In this sense, we focused on domestic constraints, tensions in China's neighbourhood, and great power rivalries. Finally, we tried to offer several suggestions regarding the improvement of China’s initiative. The suggestions concern the initiative’s planning and implementation, the means to improve its bilateral relations with neighbours and great powers, in order to be perceived as a responsible power on the international arena.

The formation of the new discourse that followed the Constitutional Revolution was the product of abstract and concrete situations that took place in Iran. On the one hand, anarchy and feudality caused internal chaos and on the other, foreign visits by the enlighten-minded people, who touched the condition in the West directly, left deep changes in the minds of Iranian expatriates. Due to their feeling of indebtedness to Iran, they began to explore and present solutions that finally resulted in the creation of a new discourse of enlightenment. From the very discourse emerged Reza Shah. Hassan Taghizade, one of these enlighten-minded thinkers who was disillusioned by the Constitutional Revolution and had resorted to the West, suggested that the final solution for the ruining society of Iran is the rise of a reformist dictator to power; an enlightened dictatorship that returns Iran to its ancient glory and besides, pursues the accomplishments of western civilization in the country.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the virtual neighbor of Islamic Republic of Iran, is cooperating with all our land and water borders. This organization, in its newest strategic notion, made efforts through a more political and global interpretation of its missions to provide the ultra-geographical legitimacy throughout the world. On the other hand, Islamic Republic of Iran and its resultant political Islam achieved more dynamic regional and international attendance following stability periods; thus, due to substantial differences of standards and thought criteria, it is identified as NATO’s ideological rival. In this regard, this paper studies the relationship of the third generation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization with Islamic Republic of Iran and raises the main question of what is the strategy of more political and global NATO versus Iran. Research main hypothesis, regarding content analysis and library method, is “the North Atlantic Treaty Organization tries to introduce Iran as a regional and global crisis by “securitization” strategy and geopolitically isolates Islamic Republic of Iran”. The findings demonstrate that NATO’s activities in recent years and developed military cooperation, information and security sharing with Iran’s neighbors can be analyzed; therefore, it is necessary that the authorities, mainly considering NATO’s activities across borders, identify and operationalize the strategy versus the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

I.R. of Iran as a regional actor has many historic-cultural capacities for cultural influence in the  South Caucasus region; so that this can be admission to benefit from the new tools of cultural diplomacy by I.R. of Iran in the region in order to achieving  its foreign policy goals. But The Existence of internal and external obstacles has been interrupted in this context and Caused that iran has to the Semi-periphery position in the cultural field in the Periphery region of South Caucasus on base Wallerstein Thoughts. The research question is: What are the reasons for weakness in I.R. of Iran's Cultural Diplomacy performance in the South Caucasus? The research hypothesis also is that Iran at the same faced with internal challenges, marginalized in the field of culture of region due to effective performance by other actors (external obstacle). The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and content analysis with using library tools.

Development process has some prerequisites in which the theoretical bases constantly play a significant and considerable role. However, this point is not clearly before us. The science itself needs to be developed. Therefore, the developing countries are confronted with a cycle of development and science; and science development is one the solutions for the above-mentioned problem. Nevertheless, this involves numerous epistemological approaches. There are two main epistemological streams “functional indigenism” and “epistemological indigenism” in the discussions related to Humanities development. These two streams have always had approach opposition which has led to development reduction in Humanities. In this paper, it is aimed to address this question using a qualitative method and applying qualitative data collection tools. The main research question is how the opposition of functional indigenism approach and epistemological indigenism approach in domestication and development of Humanities can make this area efficient or inefficient. The main hypothesis in this paper articulates that the opposition of functional indigenism approach and epistemological indigenism approach slows the development process of Humanities and impedes operationalizing domestication in Iran and the solution is moving toward taking the integrative-synthetic approach in this area.

In coordination with new phenomena and changes, dipiomaey also has involved changes and the international actors, in regard to adopting themselves with future conditions, use the novel perspectives of diplomacy to creat opportunities and change them to useful situations. From this view, as much as the concept of diplomacy and its related subsystems are to be more comprehensive, the foreign policy of governments will be more effective. Thus, studying, recognizing and explaining diplomatic movements of other active actors such as Qatar governemet (which inspite of having no some relative components of power such as population and land extent) is one of the important methods to realize the international interactions. The main question of present article is studying the behavioristic obligations, novel diplomatic ways and necessaties of Qatare government and which diplomatic approach has been considered by Duha to act as effectively as possible. The hypothesis of this research is the effective use of new diplomatic domains such as economic, educational, mass media and mediative diplomacy, additionally, programs like importing external capital, facilitating business, developing tourism, getting access to modern science and technology, international imagery by Qatar govenement. The research method is of a descriptive- analytic and qualitative type.

Article Seventy-three of the draft constitution was dedicated to the revision of the constitution, but in the Review Meeting and final ratification in year 1358 because of the Conditions of time this principle can not be adopted. The need to reform the constitution was approved, when happened serious problems within the system (legislative, executive, judicial) that arising from the multiplicity of decision-making and existence of parallel organization in the country, But it was delayed due to war and other issues; Finally, in year 1368 with the end of the war, provided the enabling and conducive environment to a change in the constitution that Imam Khomeini by issuing the command review, demanded changes and amendments to the constitution that  followed by Created a focus on the management structure of the country and last season of constitution was devoted to reload and the article one hundred and seventy-seven as "the Reload" took place in the constitution.