نشریه پژوهش های جغرافیای سیاسی
سال چهارم شماره 2 (پیاپی 14، تابستان 1398)

Abstract Countries that are inferior to their neighbors in terms of water supply(upstream) are often passive. In particular, if they are unable to obtain the favorable agreement their neighbors (in a shared basin), they will face challenges and conflicts with them. The opposite is also true; sometimes, upstream countries use this situation as a political tool to put pressure on the opponent and gain more points. This research, using a descriptive-analytical method and citing reliable sources, seeks to study and analyze Turkmenistan's hydropolitical bottlenecks in relation to its neighbors. The paper assumes that Turkmenistan's geographical location and hydropolitical situation in terms of water supply is such that the country will face major challenges with its neighbors. Findings show that Turkmenistan is in a downstream position towards most of its neighbors. This issue potentially (Iran) and actually (Afghanistan and the four Central Asian republics) will create grounds for a hydropolitical challenge for Turkmenistan in relation to its neighbors. While the impact of some variables such as climate change and drought persistence, increasing urbanization and lifestyle changes and consequently a sharp increase in water consumption and the need to produce some strategic agricultural products, will intensify the hydropolitical crisis between Turkmenistan and neighbors in the near future.

Today's, Meta-analysis has a prominent place in fields of study. The use of the results of various research findings for planning of a part of society or the whole of it is one of the most important factors that have made this type of study important. The issue of security is one of the important issues in our society, especially in boundary cities, that has received a great deal of research.  In this regard, the preliminary investigation of order and security of boundary cities, reveals that researches conducted in the applied Research Office of Sistan and Baluchestan Disciplinary Command are very dispersed. The importance of this topic and the scattered researches in this area led the researcher to provide a regular formulation of these studies and to conduct a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the research in this field. Therefore, this study intends to provide the diagnostic study of the scientific status of the researches in the field of order and security of the boundary cities in applied Research Office of Sistan and Baluchestan Disciplinary Command and summarize and analyze the nature and quality of them in the 2008-2018. This meta-analytic study has been conducted to meet the needs using qualitative and quantitative methods. In this research, the observation and analysis unit of the research is any research document (research project, thesis, book and conference articles). The statistical unit of the study is consisted of 73 cases including 18 research projects, 8 theses, 5 books and 42 conference papers conducted in applied Research Office of Sistan and Baluchestan Disciplinary Command 2008-2018. CMA-2 and SPSS software were used to analyze the collected data. The results show that the most important challenge in this area is the most researches on "security" have been studied in general, without attempting to study the conceptual and theoretical implications of the various types of security.  In addition, almost all of the meta-analysis research was based on quantitative research methods (especially survey).

Humans are the source of meaning and identity for place with an attitude to their set of beliefs and actions, and make decisions for their habitat based on their spatial dependence. Voting as a politico-spatial act is a manifestation of these decisions that relate to the identity and spatial belonging of individuals. Our experience of elections on a national scale in the country shows that there is a correlation between the spatial sense of place of individuals and the bias in candidates’ votes in the concept of Hometown votes in many constituencies. The present paper, which the required inputs (data and information) were collected using a library method, is of a descriptive-analytical nature and is based on the assumption that the spatial distribution of votes in the Miandoab, ShahinDej and Takab constituencies is a function of and voters’ identity sense of place (Hometown votes). The Results showed that the spatial distribution of the vote is a function of the spatial identity of number of holders of voting rights in these constituencies. This mean, spatial identity has been effective in spatial distribution of votes and direction of the Hometown votes of the candidates of these constituencies (Miandoab, Shahin Dezh and Takab).

The spatial distribution of political-executive power in countries has different patterns with its weaknesses and strengths. In Iran, a centralized simple model is used; This type of system caused the national unity and cohesion of the country  in the first decade of the Islamic Revolution, but now, it seems has gradually become an effecting deterrent factor for the country's progress and development due to extensive changes and transformations. The main question of this research is what are the most important disadvantages that a centralized simple system has caused to the country? And what is the severity of these? Based on the finding of this study conducted in the descriptive-analytical method with the participation of 185 academic and executive elites of the country, 10 thematic axes were identified and prioritized as the most important disadvantages of a centralized simple system. These were assessed in a one-sample t-test. The main disadvantages of the centralized simple system in the country are, Neglecting the requirements of local characteristics (t:33.00); neglecting of legal and legislative capacities (t:24.00), inefficiency of administrative-bureaucratic system (t:24.00), spatial injustice and unbalanced development (t:23.00), incomplete participation of people in Local Government Office (t:23.00), non-segregation of activities and responsibilities (t:22.00), irresponsibility, lack of belonging sense and accountability of local officials (t:22.00), pressure on the central government (t:21.00), Lack of development of parties(t:16.00), Continuation of authoritarian and flattering political culture (t:14.00). It seems that the Islamic Republic of Iran has to pay enough attention to these disadvantages in order to progress and develop faster. It has to smooth the way for the excellence of society by changing the level of concentration in the context of a decentralized simple system.

Today, the spatial analysis of infrastructure in the light of security and defense considerations and using approaches such as futuristic studies and the Geographic Information System (GIS), has fundamental importance in the field of decision-making, appropriate planning in defense planning studies, recognizing the current situation and creating a favorable situation. Therefore, the aim of this study is to identify the effective drivers of spatial distribution of infrastructure in Khorasan Razavi province with emphasis in passive defense approach and the use of Spatial Futurology studies in the context of GIS. Descriptive-analytical, library-documentary studies and statistical surveys were used in the framework of model and software analysis (Mikmak and Scenario Wizard). The results showed that according to the total research indicators, vulnerable zones in Khorasan Razavi province are distinguishable in five areas in the form of zones with very high vulnerability (7.33%), high (16.52%), moderate (29.78), low (16.94%), and very low (29.4%). Also, according to the obtained results, the density and dispersion patterns of the infrastructures of the studied area have been concentrated and clustered and randomly correlated, respectively. Meanwhile, factors such as legal criteria-policy-making, infrastructure-institutional factors, etc., were identified as key drivers of the spatial distribution of the province's infrastructure, and accordingly, future models can be achieved in three groups of scenarios with desirability. High (green status), acceptable (yellow status) and crisis (red status) were presented. Finally, suggestions were made to increase the infrastructure of Khorasan Razavi province.

The study of ethnic and claims of ethnicity is one of the topics of interest in the field of humanities studies. Meantime, political geography, as one of the dynamic disciplines in this field and because of its philosophical nature studies and surveys the political dimension of the space with a systematic approach, examines the issue of spatial minorities and the distribution of ethnic areas. This article examines the ontology of the regional governments in terms of nature and necessity of forming such structures attempts to answer this fundamental question that what factors justify the nature and necessity of the formation of regional governments? In the field of political geography, "Hartshorne" and "Gottman", by discussing the reason of state's existence, have emphasized the role of divergent and convergent forces in formation and sustaining the state. In this article, discussing and criticizing these theories, we will attempt to survey the effective factors in the ontology or present a theoretical model of the necessity and argument of regional governments that nowadays have emerged in some countries under the federal and autonomous models. The ontology of regional governments is capable to be clarified and survey within the framework of national and independent governments. The nature of such spatial structures would not be possible and lose its status without the existence of a state and an independent national government. This article is fundamental in terms of purpose and it is conducted in the descriptive-analytical method. Due to the nature of the subject, library and documentary methods have been used for data collecting. The results show that factors such as the right to self-determination and regional autonomy, the division of power in different spatial dimensions, identity and spatial perception, the flourishing of regional capabilities, regional identity-seeking, regional and local crisis relief of national territory and space management, establishing understanding and trust among heterogeneous structures, and establishing regional equilibrium, justifies the necessity and the nature of regional state formation.

In the new millennium, the return to classical politicism and the existence of efficient political-religious parties is one of the most important indicators of social development on a national scale and a factor influencing the stability and prosperity of different nations in the field of international policy. Therefore, the aim of the present study is to analyze the key drivers affecting the formation of the political-religious Raushaniya movement in the Indian subcontinent with a futuristic approach. The used research method is descriptive-analytical, based on library studies, field surveys and software. The statistical population of the present study is a group of individuals and experts who have sufficient knowledge and experience about the formation of political-religious movement in the region of South Asia and the Indian subcontinent. Using the snowball method, 40 people were selected as a statistical sample to continue the studies, due to the impossibility of access to all. The results showed that the accuracy and validity of the research data in the form of filling index with a coefficient of nearly (98%) was confirmed. Also, the distribution of research variables indicates a significant and key contribution of elements with moderate impact (282) in the direct state and (4650) in the indirect state. Accordingly, feasible future patterns were presented in three groups of scenarios: high desirability (green status), acceptable (yellow status) and crisis (red status).