مجله جامعه شناسی سیاسی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 17 (پاییز و زمستان 1399)

Constant political and political resistance to hostility and aggression or anything that disturbs the balance. Standing up and standing against any internal or external factor that disturbs equilibrium and balance is not limited to the military aspect, but is a multifaceted and deterrent strategic resistance to threats and dangers. The purpose of this article is to examine the strategy of resistance, its dimensions, its context, its consequences and its vision in the thought of the Supreme Leader as a determining factor in the progress of Islamic society and overcoming the challenges posed by the domination of power. The research method used in this study is the data base research strategy. The data of this study were extracted from the text of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements during the three decades from 1989 to 1989 on the basis of subjective resistance slogans at khameni.ir, which were categorized using the Grounded Theory method into 146 codes and 11 categories and multiple concepts. Based on this method, during the three stages of open, axial and selective coding, the process of communication between key points, concepts, and categories was revealed and designed and explored around the core concept of resistance, contextual, deterrent and consequences of Islamic resistance strategy. The findings of this article show that the strategy of resistance is a multidimensional concept that, by rejecting domination and creating deterrence in different political, economic, military and cultural dimensions, provides the basis for a modern Islamic civilization.

Political legitimacy foundations are bases which any government or leader needs in local and international system. If any political transition goes on transition without legitimacy, that will be failed. Rationalization of accepting a government or leader’s sovereignty defined as legitimacy is the dominant concern of rulers and straightly related to the state’s power and the level of multitude’s freedom. Therefore, regime survival which directly linked by legitimacy is the main issue of post-soviet central Asia leaders. By Weber, the central Asia leaders’ legitimacy defined through charismatic and traditional legitimacy, while by soviet dissolution and entrance of central Asian states to the international system as new political independent units, they encounter the modern foundation of legitimacy, which undermined their current legitimacy. In this descriptive-analytical essay, we are trying to present a structural perspective on today’s central Asian legitimacy according to the modern foundations of legitimacy to use as an analytical template for subsequent political transition.

The world today is witnessing many challenges and challenges that Islamic societies have and continue to face. Issues such as globalization of phenomena, accelerated social changes, such as the expansion of cities and urban development, migration, ethnic and linguistic demands, etc., as well as climate change and drought, with many cultural and social consequences, including Numerous issues and challenges lie ahead. The Islamic world should put these topics on the national, regional and regional levels and in its bilateral and multilateral relations and welcome them for good governance. For more than two decades, the UNESCO Intergovernmental Panel on Social Change Management (UNESCO), as a specialized UN agency, has launched and pursued various programs at national, regional and international levels. Social networks are also formed within the framework of national commissions. Utilizing this capacity and similar institutions, such as ISISCO, ECO Cultural Institute, etc., and the synergy of syntax and experiences, can help Islamic societies, especially cultural and social policymakers, in this way. This article attempts to look at the most important social issues and challenges ahead on the one hand and the UNESCO Social Transformation Management Program, the experience of different communities and areas, on the other hand, some mechanisms and approaches. Confront them and find solutions.

This study deals with the general knowledge and introduction of the situation of Islamist sub-discourses in the period of 1953-79. The Islamist discourse at this time consisted of sub-discourses, each with central and floating signifiers. The relationship that each of these sub-discourses had with the politism in a way determines their role in the formation of the Islamic Revolution of 1979 in Iran. This analysis, while analyzing the mentioned sub-discourses from the perspective of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory, seeks to answer the main question of what relationship the Islamist sub-discourses had with the politism in 1953-79. The findings show that of the seven Islamist sub-discourses of the period, the sub-discourses of traditionalist- seminary and Hojjatieh Islam were apoliticized, and the sub-discourses of Islamic jurisprudence, nationalist, defiant, socialistic, and the armed left were politicized. On the other hand, all political Islamist sub-discourses in choosing the central signifier were different from each other, but in some cases they were similar to floating signifiers. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and based on documentary-library study.

The present paper seeks to measure the contribution and influence of Rentier state elite as the forces of historical institution in determining the current political and economic structures of Iran. Why the Islamic Revolution of Iran, which claimed a new political and economic system and made changes in all fields; couldn't change the political economy of the country and the structure of the political economy continued to move forward? in other words, what forces or phenomena continued to move the post-revolutionary states, especially the constructive and reformist governments (1368-1384), on the path of the rentier and educated state? research findings obtained using the combined framework of historical institutionalism and historical sociology and the Rantierian government, shows that the process of formation of Pahlavi state institutions was influenced by the influx of oil dollars This has led to the emergence of specific institutional oil practices in this government and after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the presence of forces dependent on the previous order in the new order and the emergence of crises, as well as the pressure exerted by social and political forces on the elite choices of decision-makers in the constructive moments cause choice the pattern "Wa Depending on the course of the journey " by these forces as a result, the institutional framework of the oil state, including budget, exchange, private sector, community, and oil production, developed during the Pahlavi era; It was transferred to the constructive and reformist governments, which made the rentier state survive.

The present article aims to identify the political and social dimensions of women's activism in contemporary social change in Iran and seeks to examine their political participation during the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic based on existing documents. Revolutionary posters are a type of political poster that contain features and visual elements related to the nature of the changing of this period. Regarding the few works available on the subject of women's participation in the Islamic Revolution, researchers have analyzed the semiotics of the eight accessible posters. Methodologically as a qualitative research it used social semiotics with a focus on the social meaning and based on Van Leeuwen's three-dimensional representations. Women's political participation is represented in the form of participation in demonstrations and elections in posters. Although compared to men in terms of quantity, we face a lack of presence, but women in the central positions of the poster, drawn alongside men. The posters contain signs of Islamic ideology, including the hijab, as well as the role of motherhood and intimacy with martyrs, and evoke the role of mother-woman. Therefore, it can be claimed that the posters of the revolution contain indications of new gender relations at this time. In other words, the combination of semantic levels in general shows how the Muslim woman fighter in the revolutionary space and as a social active actor under the supportive stands of the revolutionary leader, regardless of gender stereotypes, has the opportunity to participate politically.

At present, one of the pillars claimed to be capable of empowering a country's political system is the existence of political parties. Parties, especially in countries with a secular worldview, have so far performed well because there is a convergence of political worldview between the party and party activists in the community that facilitates the process of political development from the point of view of Western scholars. This research is an attempt to analyze and compare the parties' intellectual and paradigmatic foundations with the interviews of the activists of the three post-revolutionary parties (mitalefe eslami, kargozaran, rohaniat mobarez ). The statistical population of the study is all parties registered in the Ministry until 1397. The two parties were elected according to elite opinion. The method of analysis is qualitative content analysis by maxqdo 12 software. The results show thatThe results show that the party document is not in line with the interviews with party activists and We see the paradigmatic confusion in the document and the interview of the party activists. None of the parties has used a specific paradigm. Of course, the intellectual foundations used in the parties all have a secular approach that is incompatible with the notions of the Islamic system and the intellectual and practical aims of the Islamic Revolution.

By starting the domino effect of uprisings in Arab countries, Tunisia and Egypt as a source of these revolts were the first states that had undergone sociopolitical changes. So, these uprisings had been led to the results that it is called, respectively, “Jasmine” and “Nile” Revolutions. It seems that these revolutions had stemmed from similar causes with respect to the social, political, economic and even cultural commonality within these countries. But, the results and trends of changes in Tunisia and Egypt have not been alike. Although the youth and labors coalition in commencing and conducting of uprisings within both states had an impressive role, the reaction of military and Islamic movements to these uprisings was different and led to a varied result. While the Tunisian revolution is considered as the only successful protest in the Arab world, coming back to power the figures who belonged to last regimes in both countries was a harbinger of rising the new type of reformist revolution that is called Refolution. This work tries, in the light of a descriptive - analytical manner and by relying on a crisscross style of induction and deduction, to study the impressive variations in breaking out and directing uprisings in both Tunisia and Egypt.

The present study deals with the discourse analysis of the ISIL group's (Islamic State of Iraq and Levant). This research is aimed to identify the master and floating signifiers governing the ISIL group's discourse, and the articulation of the group's discourse. To achieve this goal, the features of the group dominant discourse have been identified. For this study, the combination of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory and Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis as theory and method were used. The English texts relating the ISIL group's magazine, which was published in two English and Arabic languages in 15 issues, were selected as the statistical population of the research. As findings show the Master Signifier of ISIL's dominant discourse is Islamic caliphate. Floating signifiers in ISIL discourse also become meaningful related to master Signifier, and hence the signifiers such as the enemy and jihad, the hijra and the caliph (imam) are considered as floating ones.

The present paper sought to analyze the ISIL's (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) reactionary movement in terms of sociology with an emphasis on Snow and Benford's framing theory. The main question of paper was what caused the rise, development and fall of the ISIL? Therefore, the present paper sought to answer this question by a deductive method and collecting information and library documents. Research findings indicated that, firstly, the framing theory provided a frame for perceiving the global mobilization of fighters in joining the ISIL. Secondly, factors such as the feeling of injustice about the status quo, the ISIL as a solution to the improvement of social status, and the accreditation of terrorist violence affected the identification of fighters. Thirdly, due to the competitive process among players and influencers in the field of collective action in the framing theory, coping challenges such as the opposition of state players, internal disputes between ISIL leaders and members, and the contradictions of opinion and practice emerged and created an area for the fall of the ISIL's reactionary movement. The key achievements of research included the strong relationship of sociology with terrorism and the growing attention to the interpretation of dissatisfaction and other thought elements such as supporting values and beliefs of a movement that was previously faced with a research gap.

Political discourse plays a crucial role in directing thoughts, and discursive functioning in politics may be placed next to major political, economic, and even military decisions. Therefore, this study attempts to explore some discursive aspects of the Iranian nuclear issue as a major concern related to Iran in the international arena and to investigate the discursive image portrayed in this regard by the American President Barack Obama during his two terms in office. A body of 377 speeches by Obama during 2009–2016 was studied based on Van Dijk’s perspectives on “critical discourse studies” through a mix of lexical search and multiple phases of qualitative coding. The outcome was a discursive image comprising seven major themes: the Iranian nuclear threat; America’s will to face this threat; preference for a peaceful solution; applying all options; universal agreement with America; encountering internal pressure; and the nuclear agreement as an important success. These themes illustrate a discursive plan underlying Obama’s speeches aimed at creating audience consent for American political, economic, and military decisions and actions. Critical awareness on the part of the audience regarding this kind of discursive images can create space for critical appraisal of discursive trends, and critical discourse studies can be employed to enhance this awareness.

The Cultural Revolution in China initiated by Mao and his supporters was carried out by party cadres and the Red Army in a revolutionary manner from above and ended with Mao's death. In the Cultural Revolution of Iran, there was a kind of agreement between Imam Khomeini and the revolutionary forces. This Cultural Revolution has shown more reliability and has continued after the founder of the Islamic Republic. These two cultural revolutions have differences and similarities that need to be understood in order to understand how the social system affected by them continues. The authors aim to study and describe the comparative history of these differences and similarities. Therefore, the study wants to answer the question of what are the similarities and differences between the Cultural Revolution in Iran and China? The salient features of the experience of the Cultural Revolution in Iran and China are compared qualitatively and a suitable description of the similarities and differences between the two revolutions in terms of historical sociology is made. The information is collected in a documentary manner and attempts have been made to consider different perspectives on each of the features. Findings show that the two studied events in the academic environment had formal similarities and content differences. The Cultural Revolution of Iran has a pattern of changes based on religious tradition, a positive attitude towards religion, eliminating the shortcomings of modern education, eliminating deprivation, countering the counter-revolutionary conspiracy, pioneering student organizations, and it has maintained the desired standards of academic indicators. But the Chinese Cultural Revolution has been characterized by a pattern of materialistic, anti-religious, pro-proletarian developments, the elimination of Mao's political rivals, a centralist one, and a major shift in academic education.