نشریه مطالعات خاورمیانه
سال بیست و هفتم شماره 1 (پیاپی 99، بهار 1399)

Protests in Syria accompanied by government oppression and regional powers’ interference transformed the civil unrest into a widespread regional crisis which has had detrimental effects on security dynamism in Middle East. Beside the importance of the effective domestic and regional elements in the rise and continuity of the crisis, the role played by the trans-regional powers is of utmost importance in assessing the Syrian crisis, and its dimensions, consequences and future. Presence of the trans-regional powers in the Syrian crisis added new dynamism to the power equations in Syria leading to its further complexity. The current research aims to assess the Syrian crisis from the perspective of the role played by the trans-regional. Hence, the question raised here is: what are the important international powers involved in the Syrian crisis and what roles they play in management or/and escalation of the crisis? In order to respond to the question, this study considers the United States and Russia as major trans-regional powers involved in the Syrian crisis and analyzes the roles, interests and actions of these states and their management of political developments in the crisis.

Since the 1962 coup in Yemen, Zaydi Shiites, in spite of their demographic, geographical, historical and religious significance, have been isolated by the central government. Not only they have not played a significant role in Yemen’s political structure, but also they have been subjected to identity destruction. In the meantime, the Al-Houthi as an identity movement attempted to “produce resistance” viaa- vis the pressures arising from oppression, domination and marginalization of the Zaydi Shiites at the hand of the central government. Relying on Zaydieh’s identity foundations and pursuing social, political, and military activities, they have acted politically through the “Resistance Identity” and seek to revive the Zaydi identity. This article seeks to analyze the role of identity in the formation of the Al-Houthi movement in Yemen by drawing upon a constructivist approach. So, the main question of the paper is: what role did identity play in the formation of the Houthi movement? The hypothesis of the paper is that empowerment of the Al-Houthi movement and their conflict with the Yemeni central government are not reducible to external factors and ongoing conflicts at the regional level but it has an internal origin to restore the identity and lost rights of the Zaydi Shiites. It is based on the historical, religious and belief bases of the Zaydi Shiites.

This descriptive-analytic study seeks to shed light on the relationship between Iran and Qatar after the advent of the Islamic Revolution. Thus, the main question of the research is: what factors influenced the expansion and acceptance of bilateral relations between Iran and Qatar after the advent of the Islamic Revolution (1979- 2005)? The tentative answer is that the differing principles and objectives pursued by Iran and Qatar in their foreign policies and regional and transnational factors have developed and restricted bilateral relations between the two states in that time period. The findings of the study suggest that relationship between the two states following the Islamic Revolution have been affected by the outbreak of the Iran- Iraq war, export of the Islamic Revolution and the threat perception of the Qatari government regarding the spread of the Islamic Revolution. Other factors that influenced bilateral ties include conflicting perceptions of regional security and Qatar’s unilateral operations in the South Pars gas field, the presence of major powers in the region, Iran’s détente policy and a change of government in Qatar.

Environmental diplomacy is one of the forms of modern and specialised diplomacy inspired, inter alia, by the concept of multilateral one which in turn has become a field of competition for diplomats with such expertise. It is also reflected in negotiations, conventions and international legal regimes, and policy making process. Hence, environmental issues have gained, ipso facto, the status of concern and importance amongst countries. The early 1970s was the beginning of Iran’s serious desire to create a healthy environment. In order to achieve that, some principles were included in the Constitution combining environmental programmes with development plans. The Eleventh Government had significant achievements in international and environmental diplomacy.The question here is what is the impact of environmental diplomacy on domestic and international policies in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis is that environmental diplomacy has become more important due to the presence of multiple actors in the international sphere and its link to political, economic and security issues. Diplomacy is manifested as a practical and facilitative tool in international relations whose ultimate goal is peace. There are challenges and crises which have widely pervaded Iran’s ecology. Some initiatives however, can improve it at the national and international levels. Environmental diplomacy has a key role for resolving the global environmental issues assisting to adopt the right policies.

This article aims to examine and understand the reactions to unarmed and peaceful revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa. To achieve this goal, a descriptive- analytical method has been used. The effects of the Islamic Awakening campaign, which spanned the Middle East and North Africa for a short time, have exposed this geostrategic region to enormous developments that will undoubtedly entail a new order in the future. In this regard, regional and transregional powers aim to maintain the existing political equations and order in the Middle East and North Africa and to prevent the formation of a political system based on religious democracy and to defeat the unarmed and peaceful revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa. Therefore, the present study seeks to answer the main question of how the responses and reactions to these developments occurred towards the unarmed revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa. The findings show that given the strategic importance of the Middle East and North Africa in the foreign and security policies of regional and transregional actors opposed to the new order, especially Saudi Arabia and the United States, they try to forge political alliances by adopting a strategy of resistance and manage the region’s security in line with their regional interests and policies. They seek to prevent fundamental and democratic changes in the political structure of the countries in the Middle East and North Africa in favor of the resistance axis led by the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Terrorism is one of the most important concepts in the theory and practice of international politics. This article aims to analyze the place of terrorism in U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. Distinguishing levels of declared policies and utilitarianism and drawing upon institutionalism and democracy in transitional period and their relationship with pragmatism in U.S foreign policy, this article seeks to answer the following question: what place does terrorism occupy in U.S. foreign policy after 9/11? As a hypothesis, this article argues that after 9/11 based on pragmatist tradition and instrumentalist approach, U.S. foreign policy has used terrorism as an instrument to protect its national interest. The research method used in the article is descriptive-explanatory. The findings include that First, 9/11 has been a legitimizing key for violence and intervention in U.S. foreign policy in the form of preemptive wars on terror. Second, there is a relationship among U.S. national security strategies, counterterrorism, support for democracy in the Middle East (in a selective form), preemptive wars and U.S. leadership. Democracy is a legitimating instrument for management of terrorism and it can link Islam to terrorism. Third, U.S. foreign policy’s pragmatist tradition, by using the instrument of terrorism, has attained multiple goals such as defending democracy and liberal values in the Middle East transitional countries, access to the Middle East oil market and arms sales.