نشریه اسناد بهارستان
پیاپی 12 (بهار و تابستان 1397)

The deal with the role and position of Iranian women within the family or their presence in the society entails numerous studies and investigations in various branches of the science of history. What which distinguishes this research from the other researches and investigations done up to now is its relation to one of the most important and applicable bills approved in Iran’s National Assembly. The law enacted in Tir, 13, 1347 SH, and after the agreement by the Senate, and endorsed by King Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, was a serious development on Iranian society approach to the women’s role and their social position. This new approach, and creation of a situation and paving the way for women in Iran’s contemporary society, was in opposition to a great deal of cultural and religious values governing Iran’s society at that time and earlier. Perhaps, in sufficient studies on the backgrounds was a factor which caused Iran’s Assembly to enact a law which, during one decade of its execution, to be modified twice and canceled after statistics, this law was in favor of Iranian women’s society, especially rural women. This law was also in close relationship with the long-term goals of Iranian rulers and the king of the time, Mohammad Reza, in line with Iran’s Modernization.

The elections were one of the great consequences of constitutional revolution. With the establishment of the Assembly and separation of Powers principle, Iran entered into the constitutional countries and parliamentary systems. This was one of the important aspects of the second Pahlavi, too. After the coupde’eta of Mordad, 28, the suppression of the opposition and the Shah’s power increase forced the representatives’ movement to be in line with the government’s direct performance somehow; This, especially after 19th assembly was more visible with the increase in representation terms. This sacred institution, gradually changed into a rubber-stamp assembly in line with the king’s conspiracies. Following the white revolution, the regime had to establish an appropriate legislative power to consolidate its foundations which had been unstable after the raising of Khordad 15, 1342 SH, and feign in international field, through propaganda, that its foundations had been stable after the democratic referendum of Bahman 6, 1341 SH. The 21st Assembly was the first one after white revolution which was held after two years of interval along with the women’s participation in the election and the show off of the election necessitated that some of the women to be elected. This assembly was to approve the bills of white revolution and also ratify the legal approvals of the interval period. So, it deemed necessary that all representatives should be known and confident for the government and the parliament.
This research has been done with an analytic approach to the investigation of the elections of the 21st term of the national consultative assembly in Kermanshah election districts and the explanation of the standpoints and performance of Kermanshah representatives on the bills, plans, and decisions of the Assembly.

Iran’s Democrat Party started its activities as a political party from the 2nd national consultative assembly. The triumph of constitutionalist revolutionists and their conquest of Tehran provided a suitable political atmosphere for reactivation of various political inclinations. The democrats, more than other parties, paid attention to Imperialism and western states. The foreign policies of Democrat Party were toward more resistance against foreign authority and preservation of the country’s independence from the influences of foreign countries. They believed that only through resistance against Russia and England it was possible to prevent from their invasions.
The present research attempts, through making use of resources and negotiations of the assembly and descriptive analytic method, to answer the question of “What was the plan or approach of the Democrat representatives in the foreign policy within the party’s creed and, to what extent, they have acted within the plan of the party?”
The results showed that the Democrat representatives have seriously attempted to oppose Imperialism. In some contexts, they acted as a bargaining chip against the influences of the foreigners but, due to some domestic and foreign problems, they did not reach their ideal consequences.

The presence of western counselors in Iran, for various reasons had, in addition to its benefits in its era, some margins and detriments. Sometimes, besides the tasks assigned to those counselors, there were hidden and marginal purposes and intentions. Of these the vast wrongdoings and breaches in the organization administered by Molitor and his impudence in his administrative position can be indicated. The presence of Nause, who was the executor of the Russia policies against Iran and one of the opponents of the Constitutional Revolution, and the presence of Molitor afterwards as the Administrator of the Telegraph and Postal Service have been investigated closely, as the clear examples, in this article.
The reflection of the obstacles and problems of telegraph and postal services in the National Consultative Assembly and the negotiation of the representative of the National Consultative assembly on those problems including the conducts of Molitor and his breaches can be considered as one of the strong points of the 4th term of the National Consultative Assembly.
In this article it has been attempted to answer fundamentally the question that what were the margins of the presence of this Belgian counselor and how did the Assembly dismiss him from his position and what were the evidences for his dismissal?
This article is based on the library sources and the documents and the description of the National Consultative Assembly’s negotiations.

The article has been intended to answer the question: “Why is it impossible to provide a democratic reading of constitutional system in spite of the establishment of the parliament and constitution?” The hypothesis taken in mind for this question is that the hegemony of insecurity caused democratic structures in modern political system to be inefficient and lead to instability. In other words, the crisis of insecurity did not allow a democratic reading in real world to the constitutionalists. This caused some parts of neglected discourse of constitutionalists. This caused some parts of neglected discourse of constitutionalism, that is, the establishment and reinforcement of a strong government, to be revived and re-read. The perturbation of objectives of constitutionalism meaning democracy and the gradual orientation and tendency of constitution players to reinforce the discourse of a powerful Iran and government, is worth considering. So, hegemony of a powerful government on Democratism is the consequence of this historical confrontation.

The library of the national consultative assembly is one of the important monumental of constitutionalism era. One hundred and seven years ago, in these days, the personal attempts of Arbab Keikhosraw Shahrokh to execute the approvals of the national consultative assembly (2nd term) on the establishment of a library specific to the representatives, led to success and the library was established in a limited area in a corner of the main building of the assembly. In spite of this commencement, the library in later decades developed quickly and changed into one of the most important cultural centers in the country.
The present article deals with the primary reasons and incentives of the formation of the library, results of the attempts done in this course and the changes in the goals and activities of this library after the victory of constitutional revolution until Shahrivar, 1320 SH. The focus of this article is on the investigation of changes in the viewpoints to the assembly library, from a specialized library into a specific and, then, a public library and, as one of the representatives said, the national library of the national consultative assembly, at the mentioned time; the changes that led to noticeable effects on the manner of the activities of the library in decades after Shahrivar, 1320.

Privatization is the proliferation of a culture by which the ownership in transferred from the public and state sector to the private sector. The discussions on privatization within its known form in the world date back to hundreds of years and the range of discussions related to Iran dates back to more than four decades. The necessities and discussions of privatization have always been attractive for governments for the adjustment of their relationships with the private sector. Through the analysis of the above discussion history in Iran and a glance at the negotiations of the assembly, it can be concluded that the talks of privatization discussions in national consultative assembly was more prominent from 1350s and the discussions started in early years of 1370s in Islamic consultative assembly.
The present research has attempted, through library method and historical-analytical approach, to investigate and analyze privatization in 21st and 22nd terms of the national consultative assembly. In line with the investigations done, it has been supposed that with the consideration of the government’s bold presence in all aspect of the economy in that era and the delay of debates over the development of the private sector and its necessities for Iran’s development and economy, privatization has just had very little traces in the economy of that time.