مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال دوازدهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 66، تابستان 1400)

Among varied factors which through them new middle class could affect democratic action, the cohesion of different parts of new middle class has an important role. The importance of conducting a research on this topic in Iran social-political sphere after revolution is that in spite of the new middle class decrease relative to other classes and in spite of being a direct relationship between new middle class and democratic development based on many theories, the new middle class has not been able to develop democratic process according to its demand. Accordingly, the question of this paper is, which factor has affected the new middle class so as not to satisfying its democratic demand? In response, the hypothesis would be that, among varied factors, the ideological gaps of different parts of new middle class is an important factor by which the new middle class has not been able to satisfy its democratic demand. The findings, which has been conducted through library research and quantitative-descriptive method, shows that in spite of a public conception that new middle class has a cohesive ideology in Iran, reversely, the new middle class has different and conflictive ideological gaps before and even after Islamic revolution. Thereby, the above-mentioned factor has had an expanded effect on new middle class defeat to reach its democratic demand.

Given the importance of the Islamic Revolution in the global arena and the growing importance of the role of new social movements in the field of global governance, this article seeks to examine the fundamental question of What is the relationship of the World Social Forum with the Islamic Revolution and what effect does it have on the advancement of the Islamic Revolution in the field of global governance? The answer to this question requires examining the bilateral relations between this movement and the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, according to theoretical basics about new social movements and using a qualitative method, this paper comparatively studied three components of identity, opposition, and totality in the Islamic Revolution and World Social Forum. For this purpose, first, with the technique of categorization and coding, the components of the Islamic Revolution and the World Social Forum have been extracted and then compared and proportioned The results indicated that regarding the identity component, the Islamic Revolution is more all-inclusive than the World Social Forum. Regarding the purpose and competitor components, although there are differences between the Islamic Revolution and the World Social Forum, significant similarities exist between them. Therefore, it is possible to harmonize and build capacity for synergy between them.

Foregrounding and exclusion are of effective processes in discourse debates in elections. In fact, one of the characteristics of a victorious discourse is that it has the ability to foreground its strong points and its opponent's weak points and to exclude its opponent's strong points and its own weak points. Having regard to the Laclau‎ discourse analysis and case study of 2017 election, the present research seeks to find an answer to the question "what were the victorious discourse strategies in foregrounding and exclusion?" Findings of the research which focus on Rouhani's election speeches, campaign documentaries, and elections debates are based on this proposition that he used otherness against former administration and spread its negative impacts on conservative candidates. He also sought to foregrounf his own strong points and his opponent's weak points with the use of mythical characteristic of his discourse. Also, with respect to the empty signifier and credibility, he used agenda setting of opponent's weak points and exclusion of its strong points. Consequently, in order to neutralize opponent's propaganda, Rouhani used security signifier in his discourse.

This article intends to explain the point that by presenting the basic questions in the field of freedom to the Holy Qur'an, the existence of distinct components can be extracted from the answers reflected in various verses, which is interpreted as the " Freedom Orbit ". The present study is based on the method of "Thematic Interpretation of the Holy Quran" and after identifying the existence of the component of freedom orbit, explains its content and introduces the element of "Truth" as the orbit of freedom in the Holy Quran. Accordingly, the element that provides the conditions necessary for human enjoyment of freedoms in worldly life and determines the instances of freedoms and non-freedoms is " Truth ". Truth has always been a fixed and lasting thing that, due to its roots in human nature, brings order and peace to human society; Because the truth is the only criterion for measuring the actions of individuals and judging between them to eradicate differences. Such a special work is due to the fact that the truth is only from God Almighty and derives only from the essence of the transcendent burden.

Professionals of Security is one of the main concepts of the Paris School and refers to non-governmental actors who Defines threats to a country and how to deal with these threats. (Researchers at the Paris School use the term insecurity instead of threat). Thus, it can be said that Professionals of Security whose political role is less visible in the public sphere and the media, and who claim to have security knowledge, have self-imposed legitimacy and power in defining political-security problems. This study seeks to answer the main question, "What role do Professionals of Security play in the foreign and security policy of the United States towards the Islamic Republic of Iran?" The Professionals of Security in the United States take four steps: 1) to establish a "truth regime" and to label "reality" only the specific type of "knowledge" about the Islamic Republic. And introducing it as a phenomenon of "Rogue, supporters of terrorism, Revisionist and the like" and based on the "knowledge" of society and elites of the United States of the Islamic Republic of Iran on this basis; the Islamic Republic as a threat and a phenomenon of insecurity for the interests, nation and allies of the United States; 3) securitization of the Islamic Republic of Iran; and 4) defining ways to deal with the Islamic Republic of Iran in Policies such as military aggression and threat, Regime Change, containment, sanctions and infiltration; "They shape the foreign and security policy of the United States towards the Islamic Republic.

One of the major factors shaping the relations of international political actors is identity and cultural elements, in which, even in some cases, the role of these factors in shaping actors' actions is more and more significant than the corporeal factors. Accordingly, the Ukrainian crisis, which began with the declaration of the Yanukovych government to refrain from joining the free trade agreement with the EU, has altered the relations between Russia and Ukraine; After Yanukovych's dismissing and the coming of the new government, relations between the two countries became hostile to the friendly and cooperative way, a manifestation of which was the occupation of the Crimea peninsula by Russia. After the occupation, Russia decided the annexation of Crimea peninsula in the Russian Federation, and officially joined the Federation on March 21, 2014, by holding a referendum in the Crimea with a 96% agreement of the population. Therefore, the principal purpose of this article, based on the theoretical framework of constructivism, is to answer this question that what was the role of incorporeal factors in the annexation of the Crimea peninsula into the Russian Federation? The results of this paper indicate that the historical, linguistic, ethnic, religious and political links between the two Russian-Ukrainian communities, especially the Crimea peninsula, and the importance of protecting these norms and shared values could be the reasons for the annexation of the Crimea peninsula by the Russian Federation

Over the past three decades, Russia's foreign policy has had different ups and downs against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and despite the Islamic Republic of Iran's intentions of widespread and comprehensive relations in the regional, international and bilateral spheres; in practice, the Russian government has been in favor of these relations It has always been in the form of a cross-sectional, unsustainable case. Today, despite the unprecedented cooperation of the two countries in confronting the Syrian arrogance and the alignment of positions on some issues with regard to possible changes in the relations between Russia and the United States, as well as continuation of its pressure on the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of some thinkers in this area, There is no clear prospect of continuing this cooperation, and this concerns the future approach of Russia to the continuation of cooperation between the two countries.The purpose of this article is to understand whether the existing bilateral foreign-security cooperation represents a strategic alliance or simply a product of short-term political interests, a temporary tactical alliance to deal with specific threats? It seems that the approach of the brokers of the two countries is different, while Tehran's decision makers consider the relationship between the two countries to be a "strategic" alliance, but Moscow's decision makers consider it only in the "tactical" dimension.