نشریه زبان پژوهی
پیاپی 40 (پاییز 1400)

Critical Metaphor Theory is an approach to the study of metaphors in order to identify the intentions and ideologies behind language use. Chartris-Black (2005) believes that metaphor, myth, and ideology have persuasive function in discourse, especially in political texts. The systematic use of metaphor is part of an ideology because metaphor mediates between myth and ideology and facilitates the persuasive objectives of political discourse. Metaphor is an important characteristic of persuasive discourse because it mediates between cognition and emotion to create a moral perspective on life. Hence, it is a central strategy for legitimization in political discourse. This research is devised to discover how conceptual metaphors in political texts prompt political myths and communicate ideologies via language used in Iran''s Political Newspapers headlines. To do so, the Chartris-Black (2005) is utilized as the theoretical background of the research.

Taking this approach (Chartris-Black 2005) into account, this article aims at the study of the role of conceptual metaphors in the creation of myth and ideology. The research objective is to explain the relationship between conceptual metaphor, myth and ideology in political discourse of election. The question is how the existing metaphors in newspapers election headlines can create political myth and ideology and legitimate the SELF and illegitimate the Other, and persuade the readers to elect the Self candidate. The research data were extracted from the election headlines of 12 political newspapers during a two-month period of 2017 presidential election in Iran. Having analysed 12 selected newspapers (belonging to the Conservatives and Reformists political trends in Iran) during two months advertisements of 2017 presidential election, this research found a number of conceptual metaphors like MORALITY, RELIGION, WALL, HERO, and KEY according to metaphor identification procedures of Pragglejaz Group (2007). Then, the research explores how these conceptual metaphors create imaginative unreal narrations about the Self and the Other. It is hypothesized that the emergence of metaphors in language can evoke the audiences'' feelings by narrating the myths instead of making them aware by telling the truth. In other words, metaphors can mediate myths and ideology and guarantee the favorite actions of discourse makers.

The metaphorical expressions analyzed here represent a number of metaphors, including MORALITY, RELIGION, WALL, HERO, and KEY metaphors, all of them prompt a mythical unreal story about the SELF and the OTHER which cannot be verified. In other words, this research found that conceptual metaphors can create political myths for evaluating the SELF and the OTHER presidential candidates. As Chartris- Black (2005) predicts leaders employ ethical language as a basis for emotional invitation to share a perception of what is right and wrong. In the headlines evaluated here, mostly the quotations of politicians, they try to show the SELF ideology as the right one and the OTHER ideology as the wrong one through metaphors like POLITICA AS MORALITY/RELIGION and POLITICAL ACTIVITIES ARE MORAL/RELIGIOUS ACTIVITIES (like Jihad). WALL metaphor creates a myth about the gender discrimination. A myth that pave the way to legitimate the SELF (as its opponent) and the OTHER as its very proponent. In both types of political newspapers, HERO metaphor creates a space in which SELF is a a brave hero. By Using KEY metaphor, the discourse makers create a myth of a country with lots of problems and the SELF savior who opens the doors and solve the problems. In all these cases metaphor act as a linguistic or rhetorical tool  for myth creation, then replace the real facts of election by the unreal story –like events to evoke the readers emotions instead of expressing knowledge and social awareness.   The resulting myths evoke the discourse makers'' favorite emotions in the readers, like making them interested in the Self and hatred from the Other, and eventually lead to the creation of the wished ideology of that medium. This is along with legitimating the Self and illegitimating the Other and persuading the addressees to elect the Self ideology.

This analysis illustrates that the emergence of cognitive metaphors in language can evoke the audiences'' feelings by narrating the myths instead of making them aware through telling them the truth. In other words, metaphors can mediate myths and ideology and guarantee the favorite actions of discourse makers. Therefore, metaphor can be used in different ways at the service of legitimating the SELF and illegitimating the OTHER as two competing ideologies. Critical Metaphor Analysis present a methodology for the analysis and interpretation of ideology and exhibits how legitimisation is performed linguistically.

In this research, we have had an exact categorization for different kinds of derivational and derivational-compound past participles in the frame of typological prototypes which is a universal approach towards the parts of speech. In this theory, prototypical  adjectives with no morphemes belong to the semantic class of ‘property’ and to ‘modification’ in terms of propositional act constructions. These prototypical adjectives should be simple and without any morphemes on the basis of structural coding of typological prototypes theory. Furthermore, the adjectives which are not simple and have morphemes, are considered as marked and non- prototypical adjectives. Indeed, the structural coding criterion specifies only that the marked member is encoded by at least as many morphemes as the unmarked member (croft, 1999:73). This generalization is an implicational universal. If a language codes a typologically unmarked member of a grammatical category by n morphemes (n > 0), then it codes a typologically marked member of that category by at least n morphemes. Past participles which are studied in this research, are marked and are not simple structurally. They are divided to derivational and derivational- compound ones which have all morphemes. Derivational past participles are made by the past stem of verb + a suffix (-h) and the derivational-compound past participles are made by a noun, adjective, adverb, pronoun + derivational past participle (stem of a verb+ suffix(h)). Therefore, they are not prototypical in terms of their structure and their different semantic class. Typological markedness also constrains the distribution of constructions exhibiting the behavioral potential of the categories; if a construction encoding the behavioral potential of members of a grammatical category is found in that category, it is found with at least the unmarked member of that category for that construction.

In this research, examples of derivational and derivational-compound past participles are collected from the definitions and classifications of Persian grammarians and linguists. Then the examples of past participles are verified based on the typological criteria; structural coding and behavioral potential. All the examples are studied through the consideration of their adjectival and nominal behavioral potentials. Finally, their status and positions are specified in the Croft’s parts of speech semantic map. Then the new classification of past participles regarding their nominal and adjectival behaviors are placed in the behavioral diagrams.

Past participles do not act similarly and are not uniform on the basis of behavioral potential. Therefore, they are not in the same level. Some derivational past participles are used both with adjectival and nominal behavioral potentials. Some of them are used only in modification and propositional constructions and with nominal behavioral criteria.  Some are used only in modification and propositional constructions.  Some of derivational-compound past participles are used as both adjectives and nouns. Some of them are used only in modification and propositional constructions and with nominal behavioral criteria. Moreover, some are used only in propositional constructions with all of nominal behavioral potentials which are considered as marked nouns. In this research, past participles behavioral potential is verified and at last it is shown that they follow the behavioral potential of typological prototype theory. Totally, their behavioral potential is not more than the behavioral potentials of unmarked nouns. Hence, they are marked category in terms of both structural coding and behavioral potential.  Finally, their position is specified on the semantic map and their behavioral potentials are shown through diagrams. The position of derivational and derivational-compound past participles on the semantic map are considered as ‘action’ in terms of semantic class and ‘modification’ in terms of propositional act. Because in all derivational and derivational-compound past participles, we have used an action for the propositional act of modification. In other words, by marking and adding morphemes to an action as a semantic class, we have used it for acting as modification. Therefore, the position of past participles is shown in the semantic map as figure 1 below.

Derivational and derivational-compound past participles’ new classifications on the basis of their adjectival, nominal or both are placed on the behavioral diagrams. behavioral potentials are shown by ovals and the positions of past participles are shown by (*) in the ovals.  One oval is dedicated to adjectival criteria. One oval is dedicated to nominal criteria. These ovals have some common spaces which are considered for past participles which have both the adjectival and nominal behavioral potential.

The spread of the Coronavirus in the world has changed the daily lives of human beings on this planet as well as the social, cultural, economic, and political aspects of human lives. What is interesting in this regard is how differently countries of the world deal with this infamous virus and how differently human societies address the issue. These differences  have led to different experiences for human groups in these countries. The term "Chinese virus" which is widely used by some US officials and the emphasis on the Chinese origin of the virus have increasingly entered the public sphere of American society which has reinforced the ethnocentric and hierarchical discourse of the West against marginalized human populations.The present study  analyzes the racist discourse present in the statements of some US officials regarding the Coronavirus at three levels of speech, social cognition, and society, along with a historical study of the Western countries behavior with the immigrants to show how the Western system of discrimination and the hierarchical view of the East has penetrated the deepest layers of the identity of some Americans and, by becoming a "mental model of immigrant treatment," has become a shared intersubjective knowledge among some groups in American society. This  has institutionalized a special attitude towards immigrants in their minds.

Adopting a descriptive-analytical method and relying on the theoretical framework of critical discourse analysis of Van Dijk's (2008, 2015), the study intends to show how the "language" used by some American officials, and the insistence on attributing the coronavirus to China revived the American nation's historical memory in dealing with immigrants at the "cognitive" level which has in turn reinforced racist discourses by reproducing stereotypes in a society that has always insisted on the alienation of disease and pathogens. This fact resulted in the humiliation of minority groups at the "community" level. Meanwhile, the use of the term "Covid-19" when dealing with this disease is an effective tool to counter the ethnocentric discourse of the West against the East.

From the perspective of critical discourse analysis, language is a social action whose purpose is to find the connection between verbal structures and social structures. In other words, critical analysis of discourse seeks to show how power structures in society are represented at different levels of speech and how language plays an active role in the production and reproduction of power relations in society. However, Van Dijk (2008, 2014) believes that linguistic structures and social phenomena are not in a direct causal relationship with each other, but what is neglected is the "cognitive" structures of the mind. According to Van Dijk’s critical analysis of discourse (2008, 2014, 2015), it is our interpretation of social situations that causes a change in the linguistic context of the speech. Accordingly, Van Dijk’s critical model analyzes speech at three levels: linguistic, cognitive, and social. The relationship and interaction between speech and social structures are done by a third factor called "social cognition".Using purposive sampling, the present study selects those statements of Donald Trump and Mike Pompeo in which the terms "Chinese virus" and "Wuhan virus" are explicitly used. Considering the emphasis of Khandani, Farrokhi, and Ghanchehpour (1399) on the importance of tweets in shaping social actions and controlling public discourse, most of the following examples have been selected from the tweets of political officials.Lexical choices and the repeated use of terms like the Chinese virus have led to violent practices in American society. However, according to Van Dijk (2008), language and its lexicon do not play a direct role in creating violence in society. According to Van Dijk, what plays an important role is one's interpretation of social phenomena, which is effective in causing unpleasant behaviors. Understanding and interpreting social phenomena are not individual behavior. Americans have learned these interpretations throughout their collective lives and internalized mental models of shared social behavior and knowledge. The long history of the humiliation of minorities in Western societies and its constant repetition by dominant discourses in society has internalized Western perceptions of non-Western societies. In dealing with the phenomena, such as the Coronavirus, American society interprets these phenomena by referring to its "social cognition", which is full of patterns of Western superiority over the East.

Western societies, especially the United States, made use of the term "Chinese virus" instead of "Covid-19" to represent the East. The repeated use of the term Chinese virus in describing the coronavirus has shown that Western sentiments are visible in the context of Western human rights discourse. The repeated emphasis on the continent of Asia and especially East Asia on the spread of disease depicted the Western human mentality of the Eastern world and showed that the discourse of barbarism, lack of culture, and the dirt of the East remains in the minds of at least parts of Western society. The established Western mind continues to regard the East as a source of pollution and savagery. Uncle Sam's use of disinfectants against the Chinese people in nineteenth-century America and Donald Trump's use of the term Chinese virus in twenty-first-century America suggest that the Western mind is still replete with the nineteenth-century orthodox "Western" dichotomies. The use of the term Covid-19 is to combat such thoughts.

This article studies the diachronic development of reflexive pronouns derived from xod in New Persian, i.e. 10th to 20th centuries. Not in all centuries of New Persian one can find the indexation of xod by pronominal clitics and it is mostly believed that the indexation is a characteristic of colloquial Persian. The current study, employing a typological perspective, tries to investigate the sequence of the emergence as well as the development process of the reflexive pronouns with different persons and numbers in New Persian. We assume that the process follows the universal referential hierarchies.In Persian, similar to for example English, Turkish and Finnish, one and a same set of reflexive pronouns show both reflexive and emphatic functions. The reflexive pronoun xod in New Persian is derived from xwad in Middle Persian with adverbial function (Mackenzie, 2011), and xwad is a development from the prefix uva with possessive meaning in Old Persian (Kent, 1950). New Persian uses xod as both emphatic and reflexive pronouns. Moyne (1971) considers possessive function of xod as emphatic. However, Davari (2016) points out that the use of xod as a possessor is to denote reflexive function and based on this concludes that the reflexive uses of xod in Persian precede the emphatic uses.Regarding person and number indexations of different grammatical categories, different hierarchies are introduced (Greenberg, 1966; Comrie, 1989, 1999; Woolford, 1999; Corbett, 2000; Croft, 2003). In some hierarchies (according to certain languages), animacy plays a bigger role, dominating first and second persons over third person. However, for some languages, animacy is indifferent and they follow the hierarchy with the domination of third person. Furthermore, specifically for the presence of reflexive markers with different persons among languages, Comrie (1989; 1999) introduces the hierarchy that dominates third person over first and second persons, and Faltz (1985) believes that second person also dominates first person in reflexive pronouns.This study aims to determine what referential hierarchies play role in the emergence and development of the reflexive pronoun xod into personal reflexive pronouns xodam, xodat, xodaš, xodemān, xodetān, and xodešān. It also takes a brief look at the influence of different functions of xod in the process.

Since the study is diachronic, the given data at first place are of written type and only the prose of this period is investigated. Among various available texts, three manuscripts are selected per century, in total 33 texts. The criteria of the selections are the simplicity of the language of the texts, the narrativity of the texts, and the certainty on the dates they were written. From each text, 15000 words are compiled which resulted in a half a million word corpus[1]. The corpus includes 192 constructions where the reflexive pronoun xod is used with one of the pronominal clitics. The current article takes a diachronic typological approach and regarding the frequencies of the personal reflexive pronouns in different centuries of New Persian, investigates the influence of different referential hierarchies (Greenberg, 1966; Faltz, 1985; Comrie, 1989a, 1989b Comrie, 1989, 1999; Woolford, 1999; Corbett, 2000; Croft, 2003), on their development. It also takes a look at the role of the emphatic and reflexive functions in the developments.

According to the corpus, the first uses of personal clitic pronouns attached to xod belong to the third person singular and are not older that 14th or 15th centuries (8th or 9th in Hijri calendar). The third person singular reflexive pronoun xodaš, in both sequence of emergence and frequency in different centuries, overtly dominates the first and second reflexive pronouns. As illustrated in figure 1, first person also dominates the second person and singular is placed over plural in the hierarchy of number. Furthermore, according to the figure 2, the first cases of personal reflexive pronouns are used in the corpus in possessive constructions. Then emphatic function and later reflexive function are observed.

Recently, the study of contemporary political literature, especially fiction, has established a strong link with critical discourse analysis. Accordingly, critics have tried to use this approach to find power relations within the text to discover the types of ruling political power and authorship ideology. One of the important approaches to critical discourse analysis is Fairclough's theory, which can help find features in the text that are ignored by ordinary reading.  This article examines BozorgAlavi's work "Her Eyes" based on Fairclough's theory of critical discourse analysis in order to measure the effectiveness of the theory in political novel analysis. Compared to other theories of critical discourse analysis, Fairclough's theory is the most comprehensive method in case of the analysis of novels. This approach delves into the relationships between linguistic events as well as cultural, political, and social factors (Crystal, 2008, p. 123). Fairclough considers discourse as consisting of three elements: i.e., text, interaction", and social context". He describes his method of analysis in the three stages of "text description", "interpretation of the relationship between text and interaction", and "explanation of the relationship between interaction and social context" (Fairclough, 2000, p. 168). The main purpose of the present study was to conduct a critical analysis of the novel "Her Eyes" in the three layers of description, interpretation and explanation. To serve this purpose, the linguistic constructions of the novel are explained by analyzing the linguistic forms at the level of description and their relationships with the sources of power in society in order to provide a scientific and accurate analysis.Following Fairclough's theory, the present article aimed to answer these questions: 1. Has the content of the story revealed the socio-political situation? 2. How are the author's ideological views represented in the text? 3. What linguistic tools are effective in explaining the author's ideology? In order to address to these questions, the research project in this article was undertaken to represent the ideology affecting the mind and language of the author. Moreover, efforts were made to explain the relationship between the text of the novel and the society at both the micro and macro level.

The approach adopted in the present study was descriptive-analytical and its analysis method was qualitative. The research data consisted of the ideological linguistic structures of the novel that expressed the author's ideology. These data were described, interpreted, and explained following Fairclough's strategies. Three stages were distinguished in the process of data analysis: 1. In the descriptive stage, the linguistic structures of the text were analyzed in terms of vocabulary and syntactic features. 2. In the interpretation stage, the authors paid attention to the act of discourse to analyze the text of the story based on the contextual factors. 3. In the explanatory phase, the authors dealt with the issue of social action, (i.e., the reason for the production of the text) in order to examine the dominant discourse and explain the socio-intellectual views governing the text.

The results related to the discourse analysis of the novel in Persian showed that, although the present study was similar to some other works in this field in terms of method, no researcher has so far analyzed the novel "Her Eyes" based on Fairclough's theory. Therefore, the present article, which examined the mentioned text, was the first essay in the study of Alavi's novel from the perspective of critical discourse analysis. In this regard, the authors claim that the article is innovative in terms of the new data it presents.At the descriptive level, focusing on vocabulary and grammatical aspects, the frequency of Fairclough's ideological strategies in the text of the novel is shown in the table below.

Signs can be placed not only in the construction of a sentence (speech) but also in an abstract linear system, with the difference that in speech, signs are not randomly placed in the order of accompaniment, but that production is said to be affected always from the characteristics of the human subjects (mediators or operators).

The effect of mediators on the arrangement of signifiers in the process of speech and texts makes us use multiple and more complex variables in the analysis of signs and discursive systems. The sensory-perceptual mood of the sign user, affected by various phenomena and variables, affects the conditions for the production and reception of signs. These conditions make it necessary to consider different cognitive and emotional categories in analysis. These variables can be represented on the axis of tension and on the square of the discursive systems.

The question is: what is the difference between the production and reception of signs in both normal and abnormal situations (such as rumors) in terms of tension and discursive systems. The most common form of sign production and use can be found in a programmatic and logical discursive system. To the extent that we deviate from the normal situation, the ground is prepared for drawing an accident discursive system. The statement that is produced in the normal state of the signs can be considered equivalent to "news" in the conventional sense, and therefore the opposite point must be interpreted as "false" which, if prevalent, is considered a "rumor". The mechanism of overcoming the situation when "enunciation" can be considered as a rumor in the system of signification is the subject of the present study. The purpose of this article is to explain the mechanism of evolution of signs in the process of discursive evolution in which rumors are produced and transformed. The research hypothesis is that the phenomenon of rumor causes the emergence of an accidental discursive system. In this discursive system, due to the heavy reduction  in cognitive categories, the level of tension is at the highest level and the signs are very fluid. In order to examine this situation in a suitable literary text, a text called “The Power of the Rumor” was chosen. This text  has been produced and reproduced in various forms, itself as a rumor, in the context of the internet digital space. This text is like a rumor without evidence and has taken a different form in each reproduction. It seemed that this text will better show us the natural mechanism of producing and receiving a signal that carries the concept of rumor.

The results show that there is a set of factors that the process of discourse is always influenced by : the energies that affect the linguistic production of the narrator, the scope of vision, the perspective on which the linguistic production is formed, the linguistic challenges that determine the degree of tension in linguistic productions, the image that the narrator has of himself, his partner or discursive rival at all times, constantly changing individual methods or manners of speech that are formed based on cultural and social backgrounds, linguistic capabilities, temporal and spatial conditions, etc., and cognitive, emotional, aesthetic, sensory-perceptual elements. According to research findings, rumors, based on a sensory-perceptual error, in the form of an event, create an accidental discursive system. In the face of such a situation, ordinary people whose actions are more emotionally-reactive, respond in a rejectionist selective approach, but specialist subjects, whose actions are more rational, with an interactive approach, in the form of a communicative respond. There is a causal relationship between the cognitive state and the emotional stress of the actors and their actions and value systems. In this way, the ordinary people, with limited knowledge and under intensive emotional tension, draw an absolute and closed value system, but a specialized subject, with extensive recognition and under low emotional stress, illustrates democratic and open value system. According to the results of this study, accidental discursive system is at the beginning of this process and a programmatic discursive system in its precursor. Ordinary people, due to the lack of cognition and foresight, provide digital logic and strengthen the risky aspect of the system, However, the elites and specialized subjects, based on analog logic, gradually evolve the process of evolution of signs which they direct it till the final goal.According to the research’s results, rumor is a semantic defect produced by the narrator whose physical and sensory-perceptual base is defective (defect, disease) and occurs as an accident. Bringing back the discourse to its ordinary logical situation needs a rational management.

This article is studying Persian compound adjectives based on conceptual blending theory. The method of the research is descriptive-analytic and the data collection is corpus-based. The research data are 400 compound adjectives from language data base of Persian language (PDLB). The goal of the research is to determine the cognitive processes involving in forming Persian compound adjectives (metaphor, metonymy and metaphor-metonymy) and to determine the level of creativity of compounding processes according to Benczes classification and to determine the interaction between endocentric and exocentric compounds according to Benczes results (2006). The results show that in forming Persian compound adjectives, the frequency level of metaphor is the most. then  Next frequency level belongs to metaphor-metonymy while the frequency of metonymy is indeed the least. According to Benczes (2006), with the  stronger  metaphoric relations, the  creativity level and the abstractness of  meaning  indeed increase. The research results show that Persian speakers have more willing to use metaphoric meaning for producing and understanding compound adjectives. As with the level of creativity, the metaphor-metonymy process has the most frequency. Drawing from the fact that metaphor holds the most number of the frequency of the conceptual blending process, it can be concluded that Persian speakers have no problem with understanding metaphoric meanings and have more willing to understand metaphoric meanings. Creating meanings through metaphoric compounds simplifies perception of metaphoric concepts for us. This vast use of metaphor and metonymy shows the creativity and dynamism of language. The creativity level of metaphor-metonymy conceptual blending is more than others.Foucounier and Turner (2003) considered the mental blending spaces and conceptual blending theory with four-part patterns. In their opinion, mental spaces are small conceptual packages which are made through speaking and thinking and are used in special situations for perceiving events and verbs. These mental spaces  include  smaller elements. Each of these elements is formed based on cognitive framework and special meaning models. According to conceptual blending theory, four spaces are involved in forming meanings: 1- Input space which is the source domain, 2- Output space which is the target domain, 3- General space which includes an abstract and schematic structure and is common between all available spaces, even the blending space that chooses between available structure in input spaces, uses the a part of structural features of general space. 4- Blending space that is made  through the interjection of two input spaces on the fourth space.

In this section, all cognitive processes and dynamic cognitive processes of all data, are determined according to the conceptual belnding theory of Benczes (2006). According to the proposed cognitive concepts, we study all the meaning structures of compound adjectives that are metaphor ormetonymy and then we examined the relation between head and dependent components and their classifications. Table 1 below shows all the data analysis with an example of each analysis. Table 1: Cognitive analysis of compound adjectivesReference to PDF article As an example we point to an extended explanation of several data based on conceptual blending theory. Explanations are related to input, output, general space, and blending space with drawing diagram of four-part spaces which are related to them and creativity level of each process.For example, consider the adjectives like zaban basteh that refers to one with closed tongue and  pashne boland that refers to high-heeled shoe. These adjectives have blending meaning that are the results of interjections of the two components of that adjective on the blending spaces. On the basis of conceptual blending theory of Benczes (2006), each  adjectives can be classified within metaphor, metonymy, or blending. Following below, consider the cognitive analysis of the adjective zaban basteh: closed tongue.Zaban basteh ( closed tongue) is a compound adjective which describes an animal and consists of negative meaning with passion and emotional meaning. In the first input, there is a tongue, tongue is the symbol of speaking faculty. Second, input is an adjective, basteh means closed and related to everything that can moves but  is in prison and cannot move. In output space, only human being can talk and animal cannot talk. In blending space, tongue is a thing that can move,  but something made it closed and has not any proficiency. On the other hand,  it is not only tongue needed for speaking;  other parts of the mouth are also needed for speaking, so there is a component to whole relation between the two compound adjective components and this compound is acceptable and is used. The whole component refers to a creature who cannot use its tongue. "Reference to PDF article"Figure1: Blending space of adjective zabanbasteh:closed tongue) In terms of creativity level, we have the pattern below:  Do del(indesisive)  ˃   zaban basteh(closed tongue)  ˃   pashneh boland (high-heeled shoe)The creativity and abstractness level of do del (indesisive) are more than zaban basteh and the creativity level of zaban basteh is more than pashneh boland. There is no concrete and real relation between do and del and the main meaning of dodel is not the total meaning of each component that are so and del and we cannot achieve the main meaning from the the total meaning of each component. However, the relation between zaban(tongue) and basteh(closed) is less abstract and basteh(closed) is oppressed and refers to one who is unable to speak because of closed or basteh, as if this meaning is rather guessable from the total meaning of each component.Obviously, Persian speakers can understand the meaning of pashneh boland(high-heeled) because the abstract level between the two components of this compound word is less than the other two adjectives.Below is the table no. 2 that shows the conceptual blending processes of all the data:"Reference to PDF article"Figure 2- conceptual blending frequency   "Reference to PDF article" Figure 3- conceptual blending frequency   

As it has been observed, the frequency of metaphors is the highest, and after that, blending and finally metonymy. In this study, from the analysis of 400 compound adjectives in the Persian Language Data Base (PLDB)and the analysis of the conceptual blending processes used in each of these adjectives, we conclude that the frequency of occurrence of the metaphorical process with 50% in semantic construction of Persian compound adjectives were the most common. After that, blending was with 47%, and finally, metonymy with only 3%, were used in semantic constructions.Considering that the highest frequency used in the use of conceptual blending processes belongs to metaphor, we conclude that Persian speakers have no problem in understanding the metaphorical meaning of words and are more inclined to use metaphorical meanings to understand concepts. Creating meaning through metaphorical combinations makes it easier for us to understand abstract concepts. This extensive use of metaphors convey the creativity and dynamism of language. As we have said, according to Figures 11-1, the creativity of the metaphor-metonymy process was greatest. The stronger the metaphorical connection between the components of a compound, the more creative that compound is. The creativity level of cognitive processes is s   Pattern 1  In this research, we studied 400 adjectives from Persian language data base (PLDB). As we considered the frequency level of conceptual processes in the table 2, metaphor is the most common process and  blending and  metonymy illustrate less frequency, respectively. We can conclude that Persian speakers have no problem with understanding and using metaphor in their talkings and this shows the dynamism and creativity of language. Creating meanings through metaphoric compounds simplifies abstract concepts for us. The creativity levelof cognitive processes is shown with the pattern below: Metaphor-metonymy ˃ metaphor ˃    metonymy Pattern 1The  stronger the metaphoric relation between components of a compound word, the more creative  theyare.

Aspect refers to “different ways of viewing the internal temporal constituency of a situation” (Comrie, 1976, p.3) and consists of lexical and grammatical types. Grammatical aspect is represented by inflection or some auxiliary verbs while lexical aspect is denoted by the inherent meaning of the verbs (Rezai, 2012). The aspectual classification of Vedler (1957), has been one of the most influential theories in lexical aspect studies (Tenny, 1987, p.29; Peck et al., 2013, p. 664; Kanijo, 2019, p.73). Vendler (1957) has classified verbs into four classes named states, activities, achievements, and accomplishments based on their stativity, duration, and telicity. Achievements describe the change of state that occurs instantaneously and creates a new situation (Pavey, 2010, p.97), they have inherent endpoint and are usually regarded as not being used progressively. Two sub-classes of achievements are “culminations” and “happenings”. Culminations need some time to occur, for example, to “reach a summit”, we have to walk a distance. Happenings lack this preparatory phase and occur instantly, for example, “explode” occurs in a very short time. In previous studies, Persian verbs have been classified to two classes, “achievement” verbs that occur in a short time and have endpoint and “durative” verbs that entails some time to occur (Jahan Panah Tehrani, 1984). Vahidiyan Kamyar (1992) added the third class, named “achievement-durative” verbs that occur in a short time but don’t end and extend through time. Abolhassani (2011) has also classified achievements to three sub-classes. Other studies have mostly investigated lexical or grammatical aspect in Persian or in a specific dialect (Daneshpazhouh et al., 2013; Abasi, 2015, Dastlan, 2018). The main objective of this study is to describe different readings of Persian achievements along with grammatical aspects in the framework of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG). For this purpose, achievement verbs, in two subdivisions named “culminations” and “happenings”, were selected in different contexts and their readings were analyzed in different grammatical aspects. Data have been collected from different Persian sites on the Internet and daily conversations.

This paper studies the interaction of achievement predicates with grammatical aspects based on Role and Reference Grammar. RRG has proven to be a very practical framework for the description of aspectual classes. It proposes a linear and layered conception of syntactic organization without placing any underlying forms or movement rules and posits only one level of syntactic representation that is mapped directly into the semantic representation (Van Valin & Lapolla, 1997, p.21).The semantic structure in RRG provides a clear system of lexical decomposition that is an Aktionsart-based method of representing the semantics of predicates and their arguments (Van Valin & Lapolla, 1997, p.91). A predicate is identified as a member of a particular classification depending on some grammatical tests that have been established for English and other languages. The semantic representation is linked to the syntactic structure by means of an algorithm and the semantic roles of arguments are correlated with macroroles. In RRG a sentence is composed of at least one clause and clause of at least one core. Within the clause core are the nuclear predicating element and its arguments. Adverbs modifying the nucleus are not core elements but are placed in positions preceding or following the nucleus called peripheries. In Role and Reference Grammar (Van Valin & Lapolla, 1997, p.91-92), verbs are divided to four basic classes, including states, activities, achievements and accomplishments as proposed by Vendler (1957). Based on some specific-language tests, each of these classes are distinguished from each other. States are homogenous and involve no action and no final point. Activities, despite states, represent actions and have continuous feature. Achievements occur in a moment and don’t have continuous feature. Accomplishments are change of state verbs but occur in a longer time in comparison with achievements. Among these classes, achievements are change of state verbs; the beginning and end of these verbs are so short that can be neglected. They have final point and since they are considered durationless, they can't be used with adverbs such as "vigorously" and "seriously".  Regarding the grammatical aspect, four main types can be distinguished; perfective, imperfective, perfect and prospective aspect. Perfective indicates a situation as a single whole, whereas the imperfective looks at the situation from inside and the focus is on the internal structure of the event (Smith, 1997, p.3). The perfect is retrospective which establishes a relation between an event at one time and a situation at an earlier time. In prospective aspect, the event is related to some subsequent situation, for example when some event is about to be done (Comrie, 1976, p.64). Based on this framework, different readings of Persian achievements are investigated in different grammatical aspects.Data have been selected from written and spoken resources, including web sites and daily conversations. As aspect is better specified in the context, each predicate has been considered in its actual use and the interaction of lexical and grammatical aspect has been identified.  

The data show that the culmination and happening predicates in Persian can occur with perfective aspect; since these verbs involve the final point, the occurrence of them with perfective aspect shows that the verb has reached its end and has finished.  As achievement predicates describe instantaneous changes from one state to another, the adage that achievements "lack progression" is well-known, but the presented data show that achievements in progressive forms can have five readings based on pragmatic context, including preliminary process reading, slow-motion (camera) reading, iterative reading, future progressive reading, and commentary reading (Gyarmathy, 2015). Culmination-achievements can occur on preliminary process reading that focus on the process before reaching the final phase of the verb. On slow-motion reading, an event described by the achievement predicate, which is regarded durationless, acts as a durative eventuality, that is, we "zoom in" to view it as an extended event. This reading is available to predicates which describe events that are not instantaneous, but take some small amount of time. The iterative reading is most natural with semelfactives. The future reading has prospective interpretation. The last reading or commentary reading, is available when the speaker is conveying the happenings to someone else; this reading is used when the exact timing of the utterance is not important. Achievement verbs in perfect aspect can represent some functions such as experiential, universal, hot news, and evidentiality. Achievement predicates in perfective, imperfective, and perfect aspect can represent some prospective interpretation depending on pragmatic context and existence of some temporal adverb denoting future time in the sentence.

Achievement verbs in perfective aspect denote change of states that occur instantaneously and reach  its endpoint. In culmination verbs, reaching  this endpoint entails some preparatory phase but in happening sub-class, this phase is not applied. Although achievements are regarded as lacking progressive, they can have five readings in imperfective aspect, depending on the context; they include preliminary process reading, slow-motion (camera) reading, iterative reading, future progressive reading, and commentary reading. Achievement verbs in perfect aspect can represent experiential, universal, evidentiality, and hot news functions. In prospective aspect, positive form of the sentence and some temporal adverbs are required to denote occurrence of the action in some future time.

 The Turkish language is mainly spoken in Azerbaijan and Iran (Johanson 2010). After Farsi as the official language, Turkish, with approximately 15–20 million speakers, has the most speakers in Iran (Crystal 2010). Most of the speakers inhabit in the four provinces of the northwestern part of Iran. In the literature two striking features of Turkic morphology were presented: first, its agglutinative nature (low level of fusion, in Sapir's terminology), i.e. the fact that there is basically one-one correspondence between grammatical categories and their exponents, and second, its highly synthetic nature (high level of synthesis, again using Sapir's terminology), i.e. the fact that a given word can contain a large number of morphemes. Turkish morphemes have allomorphs with clear-cut boundaries. Among the few problematic morpheme boundaries are the following: bek-le 'wait', get-ir 'bring', yar-iʃ 'race'. The bound base forms bek-, get-, yar- are considered morphemes on account of further suffixation. Their meaning may be said to be determinable by subtracting the meaning of the suffixes -le, -ir, and -iʃ from the meaning of the total form. Furthermore, the syllable structure of Turkish is consonant-vowel-consonant (consonant). That is, tautosyllabic consonant clusters with the sonority drop are acceptable. In Turkic languages stress falls into final syllables of all parts of speech (noun, adjectives, adverbs, verbs), most of the derivational and inflectional suffixes carry stress. However, some of the derivational suffixes and clitics are unstressable, when roots combine with an unstressable suffix, stress falls on the immediately preceding syllable, and stress shift may not take place. In other cases, however, the primary stress is shifted to another syllable of the same word. This appear to the idiolectical variations of stress-placement rules and the change in the rhythem pattern also influences word stress. There are only a few forms where stress change affects the subclass (adjectival or adverbial) membership of substantives. Within the subclass of nominals, place names are set apart from other nominals by stress change: yildiz 'star', Yildiz 'a place name'. In suffixed forms where the place of stress is determined by morphophonemic rules, the stress of place names falls on the syllable that precedes the regularly stressed one: armutlu 'having pears', Armutlu 'a place name' (Nash, 1973).  According to these stress-placement rules, we used target vowels in simple words with the cvc.cvc syllables.

Generally, the first three formants of the vowels are the most important indicators providing information for distinguishing vowels from each other (Hagino et al. 2008). There is a close relation between first formant frequency (F1) and articulatory and/or perceptual dimension of vowel height. The second formant frequency (F2) corresponds with the place of maximal constriction during the production of the vowels (Wang and Van Heuven 2006). Distribution of the vowels in a F1 by F2 plane is given in two Figures that provide the overviews of the acoustic vowel space for Turkish formants. In the study on formant measurements of vowels, analysis revealed no significant effect of gender on the variables (stress pattern and syllable position); hence, the formant values of the male and female participants were pooled and reported one average value of F1 and F2 for each vowel. Formant frequency analysis was performed using the Formant Pro (Xu, 2018) available in Praat with its default standard settings (range of 5,000 Hz for five formants). Descriptive statistics were performed to describe mean and standard deviation values for output measures (F1, F2, F3, duration). In this research, participants were recruited from among Turkish speakers aged 20-45 years old. There were 10 participants, including 5 male and 5 female. We had 144 target words for analysis. Participants were asked to read the list of carrier phrases two times. A total of 2880 vowel tokens were recorded. Describing the acoustic properties of the Turkish vowels, and developing the vowel space plot based on F1and F2 values of vowels can be utilized in analyzing the Phonetic system of Turkish language.

An attempt was made to the investigate the acoustic characteristic of target vowels in the different syllabic positions (open and close syllables, stressed and unstressed syllables). Results showed that these different positons have no significant effect on the distribution of the vowels in the vowel space presented by the combination of two spectral parameters F1, F2. Vowel reduction was examined in unstressed syllables using duration and F1 and F2 spectral values across different consonantal contexts.

Results of the phonetic aspects of vowel reduction showed that vowel formant changes in unstressed condition as compared to stressed condition had not non-significant effect. That is the vowels had no significant spatial reduction in the direction of the center of the vowel space.

The two concepts of guidance and misguidance in the Qur'an conceptualized based on the mega-metaphor WORSHIP OF THE GOD IS TO BE ON A PATH. These two concepts are completely dependent on the category of movement. This mega-metaphor includes components such as the conceptualization of divine messengers as a guide (cf. A'raf / 158), following the divine commands as moving towards God (cf. Nisa/ 100), reaching high human degrees in the form of Approaching God (cf. Al-Imran/ 45), and not accepting the worship of God in the form of deviating from the path (cf. Baqarah/ 108). Satan also plays a role here as an effective element in misleading.The movement basis of the mega-metaphor predominaates the conceptualization of misguidance and the influence of the Satan in misleading. The important role of motion in shaping human thought as one of the most common experiential cognitive domains in all languages (Azkia et al., 2015, p.32) has led the present study to investigate the conceptualization of Satan and its effect on human misguidance based on the category of motion.In recent years, several studies conducted on Quranic concepts from the perspective of cognitive linguistics. For example, Hooshangi & Saifi (2009) and Gaeminia (2011) have examined examples of conceptual metaphors in the Qur'an. However, the present study is unique in terms of using cognitive linguistics based on the category of movement in the study of how to conceptualize the concept of the devil.

First, all the verses in the Quran were extracted with the keywords of Satan and Iblis, and then, by manual examination, the related verses added to the corpus. Then, by studying the mentioned verses, the verses in which the category of movement played a role in conceptualization became the basis of further studies. In total, in relation to the category of movement in the conceptualization of Satan and Iblis, a corpus with 107 verses consisting of 78 motion events obtained. This corpus became the basis for studying how the Satan/ Iblis conceptualized based on the category of motion.

The corpus can divide into two parts: 1- The condition of the Satan/ Iblis himself and 2- the influence of Satan on the misguidance of humans beingsThe change of the state of the Satan from the creature who was in the position of angels to the current state initially conceptualized as leaving a specific place without referring to the destination of movement and without force.Misleading Adam and Eve by Satan conceptualized as slipping, getting them out of a certain place to an indefinite place, and moving from top to bottom. The first stage of the misguidance of Adam and Eve expressed as the departure from the place under the influence of the power of Satan, which refers to the influence of Satan in the "primary misguidance"; In this way, the misleading which is provoked by God includes only those who have already disobeyed His command voluntarily (secondary misguidance), butSatan misleads people without such grounds. In this way, these two completely abstract concepts (primary and secondary misguidance) conceptualized in a complete sensory way based on the category of motion and force schema.According to the mega-metaphor WORSHIP OF THE GOD IS TO BE ON A PATH, Satan, as the one who obstructs the path of movement and takes man out of his path, throws him from top to bottom, causes him to slip and shake violently, holds him back and dragshim to an unknown place, is conceptualized. Man's daily experience of movement has shown him that the existence of an obstacle in the path of movement and getting out of the path is undesirable. Vibration, slippage, and strong shaking are reminiscent of earthquakes and are very undesirable, and moving from top to bottom is reminiscent of falling, which in addition to being frightening indicates a transition from favorable to unfavorable. In contrast, following the divine messengers conceptualized as moving in an unobstructed, fearless, and upward direction, all of which is desirable in human sensory-motor experience.In the conceptualization of man who has accepted the temptations of Satan, the knowledge-based metaphor SATAN IS THE PROPHET has the greatest role; in such a way that Satan is conceptualized as a prophet and his false words are conceptualized as the holy book. The concept of following the Satan as an abstract concept placed in the sensory circle of human perception in such a way that the path of worship, if followed by the messenger of God, is a path without obstacles, clear and without fear to the top and destination of God. On the contrary, deviating from this path and placing the Satan in the place of God's messenger and his word instead of the holy book is deviation and movement in pursuit of a moving and unstable destination in a slippery path to an indefinite goal.In all cases related to the conceptualization of Satan as an effective factor in the misguidance of humans, the destination of the movement is unknown or Satan introduced as a moving and unstable destination.

The results of this study provide a comprehensible sensory picture of the situation and position of the devil in the guidance-misguidance system and the consequences of following the Satan. The formation of this undesirable image in the human mind based on human experience of movement creates an unfavorable sense of accepting the temptation of the Satan and leads the audience to reject the words of the Satan.

Signed languages employ finely articulated facial displays to express grammatical meanings (Pfau and Quer 2010; Reilly 2006, Wilbur 2000, Dachkovsky and Sandler 2009). Lackner (2019), for example, identifies three major areas — face, mouth, head — capable of articulating more than 100 nonmanual elements expressing such functions as mood and modality, complex propositions (conditionals, causal relations, complementation), information structure (topic, focus), assertions, content and yes/no questions, imperatives, miratives, and so on. Mouth movements in the lower part of the face,  on the one hand, and eyebrows’ muscle activities, on the other hand, are very common in expression of grammatical meanings in different signed languages. Two facial markers which are widely involved in sign grammar are horseshoe mouth and brow furrow.Lowered corners of the mouth, or horseshoe mouth, is a common facial marker which appears in many diverse contexts. For example, horseshoe mouth is quite frequent in expressing modality and assertive propositions in Iranian Sign Language and some other signed languages. Brow furrow, which results in a distinct vertical line between the eyebrows, is a very common marker in interrogatives and imperatives across different signed languages.

In this paper we examine two facial displays: an upper display in which the eyebrows are pulled together called brow furrow, and a lower display in which the corners of the mouth are turned down into a distinctive shape that resembles a horseshoe or upside-down “U”. Discussing data from Iranian Sign Language (Zaban Eshareh Irani (ZEI)), American Sign Language (ASL), Italian Sign Language (LSI) and other signed languages of the world, we address two puzzles that have previously been unaccounted for: (1) why do these displays mark such different types of grammatical structures in a single language? (2) why do these displays appear in and express similar function across unrelated signed languages? Employing the theory of cognitive grammar (CG) and the concept of Control Cycle, we suggest a unified account of the various functions expressed by these two facial displays that answers these two questions.

The control cycle consists of four phases (Langacker, 2013). Elements of the control cycle include an actor (A), the actor’s dominion (D), a field (F), and a target (T). The actor is an entity who strives for control. In linguistic interaction, interlocutors strive for effective and epistemic control. One of primary goals is to influence our interlocutor. This may only mean directing the attention of the interlocutor in order to achieve intersubjective alignment — a baseline level of effective control. We also use linguistic interaction to gain epistemic control, knowledge of the world. Epistemic control may be gained by our embodied perceptual interaction with the world. This experience includes our linguistic interaction with others, by which we acquire evidence of their conception of the world. We achieve epistemic control by incorporating and continuously updating these varied experiences into our conception of the world. We may also endeavor to exert effective control by asking someone something (interrogatives), ordering someone to do something (imperatives), and obligating someone to do something (modals).Signed languages, like spoken languages, have lexical resources for expressing effective and epistemic control. Signed languages also employ facial displays for indicating effective control, such as degrees of exertion, and the phases of the epistemic control cycle. These linguistic resources have multiple functions ranging from marking questions and orders to making assertions and expressing epistemic meaning.
Brow furrow marks many different speech acts in a number of signed languages. Brow furrow marks content or wh-questions and is also associated with imperatives. Asking questions and ordering are expressions of effective control. Their goal is to exert force with the potential to influence what happens in the world. The imperative force of an order is directed at the addressee with the intention of eliciting an effective response, such as performing some action. The effective force of a content question is eliciting a linguistic response from the interlocutor.Another kind of control is epistemic control. The goal of epistemic control is to construct and continually update our conception of reality. Epistemic control is about striving to understand the world rather than influencing what happens in the world. One aspect of epistemic control is the acquisition and control of propositional knowledge. In terms of the control cycle, “At this level, the actor is a conceptualizer, the target is a proposition, and the dominion is the conceptualizer’s view of reality (or epistemic dominion), i.e. the set of propositions the conceptualizer currently holds to be valid” (Langacker, 2009). Examples of epistemic control are making an inference or the use of reasoning to determine some inclination towards accepting or rejecting a conclusion; evaluating the veracity of a memory (e.g, whether some event did or did not occur); considering or entertaining a possibility; and concluding. Linguistic expressions of epistemic control include epistemic modality, assertions, and evidentiality. Expressions of epistemic control are frequently marked with the horseshoe mouth in a number of unrelated signed languages.

In this paper, we explore the meanings of two facial displays and examine how they are manifested in the grammars of signed languages. We propose that the schematic meaning of brow furrow is the exertion of force, both objective force directed at influencing reality and subjective or mental force required to construct a reality conception. The schematic meaning of horseshoe mouth is epistemic control, prototypically indicating an epistemic assessment during the potential phase of the control cycle.
We also explore the interactions between upper face and lower face displays in linguistic expressions that combine effective and epistemic control. Finally, we consider these facial displays as examples of disengaged cognition, as subjectified or grammaticized simulations vis-à-vis their source manifestations.

In this comparative, analytic, and descriptive study, we aimed to study and analyze the syntactic structure and the semantic network of the words focusing on two high frequency bound morphemes in French language which are /-oir/ and /-atoire/.  Both of these two bound morphemes are classified as suffixes that attach to roots and word stems to make new words with new meanings out of those roots.Therefore, in this paper, we deal with the internal structure of the words and their different parts, and to be more specific with the derivational process of suffixes which is also called suffixation.In the analytical part of the paper, we examined the French words with their Persian equivalents collected as the body of the research, in order to compare the derivation process in both languages and see if they go under the same process and share the same semantic network in both languages or they have other meanings in each language.

To study and investigate the two named morphemes we used library and corpus based process; that means we conduct the research with the help of various books and theories of different Persian and French linguists on morphological derivation subject.  With an analytic look, we examined the examples and words we had listed in French with their equivalent  in Persian according to our knowledge and experience in lexicology as the corpus and at the end we provided a descriptive-analytic explanation of the linguistic behavior of each concerned morpheme separately.

The achievements of the research show that these two morphemes, despite their homophony and phonetic resemblance, which is sometimes a source of mistaking one for another, appear differently in derivational process; one (/-oir/) makes derivatives and new words from verbs, but the other (/-atoire/) makes new derivatives and new words from nouns, which are necessarily the feminine gender of the nouns in French,. The new formed wordsgenerally end in /-ation/ that happens to form a noun making suffix itself.We also found that these two suffixes, most commonly attach to word stems to make location nouns like “Abattoir” (slaughterhouse, کشتارگاه) or “Dortoir” (dormitory, خوابگاه) for /-oir/ suffix and “Laboratoire” (laboratory, آزمایشگاه) and “Observatoire” (observatory, رصدخانه) for /-atoir/ suffix. However, the important point to be mentioned is that there are some examples that are not exactly locations, i.e. literally denotating a real place, and they are used in both languages as virtual locations with a metaphoric meaning. To clarify this, we take the example of “Mémoire” (memory، حافظه) which is not a real location but a virtual place to keep information.On the other hand, these two, each separately, are used to make another group of nouns as well: /-oir/ as a suffix to make instrument and tools name, like “Arrosoir” for (watering can, آب‌پاش) and /-atoire/ as a suffix to make adjectives like “Évocatoire” (evocative, احضارکننده). Each group of words has its own derivational process in both languages, as exemplified in detail during the study.Moreover, the results showed that the equivalent of the syntactic structure of /-oir/, in most cases, is also a derived word in Persian, and the suffixes (-گاه، -رو) replace the French suffix like پالایشگاه (Affinoir) or خوابگاه (Dortoir) and راهرو (Couloir) or قلمرو (Territoire); Furthermore sometimes Persian words are the result of compounding. In this case, as an illustration,  the suffix /-oir/ is replaced with the Persian noun «خانه» like رختشورخانه (Lavoir) or سلاخ خانه  (Abattoir).  Among the equivalents, we found genitive cases as well, where a noun modifies another noun, indicating an attributive relationship between them.  This is the case in examples of زمین پاتیناژ (Patinoire) or اتاقک اعتراف  (confessoire) which accepts the Persian suffix –ک adding a minimalizing concept due to the implicit meaning of the word. As a suffix is used to make instrument and tools name, we see again these kinds of equivalents as genitive cases like قیچی هرس (Ébranchoir) or سبد انگورچینی (Vendangeoir), but most of the equivalences picked for tools are   the result of derivation of a noun with the principal part of a present tense of a verb as we see in کفگیر (Écumoire) or آب پاش (arrosoir).mong Persian words we also found some simple words like قلاب (fermoir), دستمال (mouchoir) or تراش (aiguisoir) which are chosen as equivalents according to the implicit meaning of the word stem.When it comes to the second suffix, i.e. /-atoire/ as a suffix used to make nouns of location again we found lots of equivalents in Persian which are derivative as well like آزمایشگاه (Laboratoire) or رصدخانه  (Observatoire). As an adjective making position, we came over various kinds of derivatives, sometimes made with principal part of the verbs like رهایی بخش  (Emancipatoire) or افتراآمیز(diffamatoire) and sometimes with   a suffixation process where the Persian adjective making suffix “-ی” attaches to nouns and produces an adjective like دورانی for “Rotatoire” or اجباری for “obligatoire”.We have pointed to exceptions of each group of the words.  It can be claimed that this analytic study of the words made with these two high frequency morphemes in French and their equivalents in Persian through multiple examples provides readers with the opportunity to compare syntactical structures and their semantic network.  Still more the similarities and differences made by these minimal units of the words carrying the specific meanings in the examples   of both languages are also shown.