نشریه مطالعات شبه قاره
سال سیزدهم شماره 41 (پاییز و زمستان 1400)

The rivalry between India and China in South Asia is one of the indisputable facts of the current international system. The two countries have expanded relations with other countries to neutralize the actions of the other side. China, which is increasingly influential in various regions, provoked the reaction of India, and this sense of threat from China toward India increased when Beijing began to make massive investments in Pakistan. In India's view, cooperation between the two rivals could hamper Delhi's growth and development, and their aggressive intentions could escalate tensions, leading to an offensive opposition toward New Delhi. Thus, the question arising here is that: what is the nature of the rivalry between India and China in South Asia? It can be said that India's reactions to China's growing influence stem from its sense of threat from China, and India seeks to balance China's power by reforming its foreign policy and diversifying its relations with South Asian countries, the major powers and Iran. India also obtained exemptions from sanctions on Iran following US sanctions against Iran, indicating India's efforts to establish extensive relationships with various countries to repel Chinese power and reduce its threat. As South Asia is one of the most critical regions, the growing influence of India and China in this region can have a significant impact on these countries, especially Pakistan and Afghanistan. This can have a devastating effect on these countries if the competition is aggressive; however, if the rivalry is constructive between India and China, it can lead to the growth of countries in this area. As a result, it is necessary to analyze the nature of India-China competition, and the purpose of this study is to analyze the nature of these competitions and to investigate why India and China compete in South Asia. 

The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical, and data collection is in the form of library and Internet resources. Moreover, the framework adopted is the balance of threat theory, and the reason why the authors have chosen that is the fact that India feels threatened by China and reacts to it accordingly, which shows the nature of the rivalry between the two countries. 

The authors of the present study use the theory of balance of threat and its indicators such as power or capabilities (including population, economic power, size of the country and geopolitical factors of power); geographical proximity; aggressive power and intentions, and believe that China's geographical proximity to India, its revisionist approach and efforts to change the balance of power by challenging the power of large or growing countries such as India, or China's growing economic and military power all have led to a sense of threat from India by China, and India in return seeks to diversify its relations with neighboring and large countries in an effort to contain this threat. One of these activities is China's influence in Afghanistan. China has different goals in Afghanistan. Economic factors are one of the reasons why China is playing a greater role in this country, which means that Afghanistan, with its rich mineral resources, has a high potential to help the economic growth and development of China's power. Political factors and China's impact to play in the peace and security process in Afghanistan today are other significant reasons. The withdrawal of the United States from Afghanistan and its effect on the goals and benefits of Afghanistan's new foreign policy, which seeks to attract new partners, has also played a key role in China's foreign policy toward Afghanistan. China's efforts to manage and prevent the spread of terrorist insecurities from Afghanistan into China, and also Pakistan's efforts to involve China in the Afghan peace process (Shafiee, 2015) are among the factors influencing China's growing influence in Afghanistan.China's influence in Pakistan is another factor leading India to feel threatened. The port of Gwadar in Pakistan is one of the main pillars of Sino-Pakistani economic cooperation. This port is essential for the Chinese as a highway connecting to the Persian Gulf (Ketabi, Dehghan, Dehghan Nasiri, 2016: 23). This port provides access to the deep waters of the landlocked countries of Central Asia and Afghanistan and the transfer of goods from these countries to world markets and can also be an option to put pressure on India from China and Pakistan. In this way, the economic, military and security power of China and Pakistan will be expanded, and it will equip the two countries in a possible war with India. The Chinese have extensive cooperation with Pakistan in the military aircraft and tank sector. It is also said that Pakistan's nuclear technology has been largely developed with the help of China and has acquired nuclear weapons (Mollazehi, 2014). On the other hand, China and Pakistan have reached an agreement to establish a Jiwani military base. The base, to be built near the port of Gwadar, will further strengthen the Pakistani alliance, along with effectively increasing China's naval capacity at the confluence of the Oman Sea and the Indian Ocean in the face of US naval supremacy and India's growing naval fleet. China leads to a key component in the competition for power in the South Asian region (Bahrami Moghaddam, 2017). Finally, it can be said that China has sought to expand its relations with Afghanistan and Pakistan in order to achieve its goals, and its increasing influence in these countries has led to India feeling threatened by China. India is one of the most affected countries by China's rising power in the region due to its rivalry with Beijing. In this regard, India has tried to expand its relations with various countries in line with the policies of Look East, Look West, Look North and relations with the United States. Israel is another option for India, where relations between the two countries have always been expanding. It remains one of India's main sources of arms, and Russia is India's third-largest arms exporter after the United States. Military and trade cooperation is also associated with the expansion of political relations (Taghizadeh Ansari, 2017: 246-242). Cooperation with Iran has been another possibility for India to balance the power of China and achieve its interests. During the Narasimha Rao period, Rao's "Delhi Declaration" and the Memorandum of Understanding "Strategic Partnership Roadmap" provided the basic political and legal framework for long-term and lasting cooperation between the two sides. Before the culmination of nuclear sanctions against Iran, Iran-India relations were positive and constructive, some of which referred to it as the "Iran-India alliance" (Soltaninejad, 2016: 125). Nonetheless, it can be said that the relations between Delhi and Iran have been overshadowed by the United States. Also, after the imposition of sanctions, the Indian company Reliance Industries stopped importing from Iran and replaced imports from other countries with Iran (Mukherjee, 2017). However, the two countries are cooperating in other areas. For India, for example, participation in industrial and communications projects in Chabahar port is a strategic advantage. Although in recent weeks there have been news about a 25-year agreement between Iran and China and the withdrawal of India from the Chabahar project by Iran, India still seeks to keep the project alive, and accordingly, officials from the two countries met recently. In fact, India is concerned about the growing proximity of its rivals - China and Pakistan - to Iran and is working to ensure that it does not lose cooperation with Iran over the port.  

China and India have struggled to establish effective, non-tension-based relations due to domestic needs and self-interest. As a growing country, China, in pursuit of its interests and goals, has begun to establish extensive communication and investment in various countries. One of these countries is Afghanistan, which has cooperated in three areas: economic, security-military and political. Among China's actions in this country is China's assistance in the process of rebuilding Afghanistan after a series of wars. China, on the other hand, has always been concerned about the proximity of its Western Uighur groups to Afghan terrorists and their growing separatist tendencies. From China's point of view, influence in Afghanistan and relations could restore some stability to the region. China's efforts in the Afghan peace process and the establishment of peace between the government and the Taliban could also increase the country's prestige and political influence. China, on the other hand, has long had extensive ties with Pakistan. The economic corridor that provides the link between the land and naval-based BRI and leads to the economic growth of the two countries is an example of economic cooperation between the two countries. Economic development also leads to the security of communication routes and the prevention of terrorist infiltration. The Gwadar port project is another area of ​​cooperation between the two countries and Chinese influence in Pakistan. During this port, China can save time to transport goods and thus put pressure on India due to the ports' role in increasing the economic and military power of the two countries. In addition to Afghanistan, China is also working with Pakistan to maintain stability in the Xinjiang region. Also, militarily, they have reached agreements on the establishment of the Jiwani base, which could be a balancing factor for the threat of India and the United States. Moreover, after the time that the US stopped supporting Pakistan, it has become engaged in China to meet its arms and economic needs.India has felt threatened by China's extensive ties with Pakistan (its rival) and Afghanistan and has sought to communicate more effectively with countries such as Iran, the United States, Afghanistan and other South Asian countries. In line with its Look East policy, India has established relations with the ASEAN and Southeast Asian states, as well as with Indonesia, Burma, Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar. It has also worked with the Middle East and Northeast Africa, such as Saudi Arabia, Oman, the United Arab Emirates, Israel and Iran, to pursue a policy of looking to the West. It has also cooperated with Afghanistan and Central Asian governments in the policy of looking to the north. In Afghanistan, India supports the central government and sees the Taliban as a threat to the entire region. On the other hand, India can access Central Asia through this country, and this is vital for India to counter Chinese influence and economic growth. In addition, India established effective relations with the United States after 9/11. In other words, the common threat of China is an influential factor in the proximity of the two countries, and Washington considers India a balancing power against China, and India, through bandwagoning this country, is trying to achieve its goals and balance the power of China. Iran is another opportunity in India's cooperation with other countries. The Chabahar project is a key factor in India's economic growth and balance against China's Gwadar project in Pakistan. Although India has reduced its energy imports from Iran after the US imposed sanctions on Iran, the Chabahar project did not include sanctions and could expand relations between the two countries. As a result, it can be said that the feeling of threat from China has led to India's reaction to communicate effectively with different actors and balance its power.

The history of cultural, political and trade relations between India and Iran dates back to pre-Islamic times and this interaction is very significant in some periods, including the Sassanid and Safavid periods. This relationship became very strong during the Safavid period between the two countries. Homayoun, Emperor of India during the reign of Mughal (d. 1556/964) took refuge in the Safavid court in Tabriz in 1544/951. His presence led to important consequences in the development of Mongolian art and designs in the field of textile and carpet design. Observing samples of surviving carpets from the Gurkhani period in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, it is clear that Indian carpets at that time were influenced by Iranian samples. This article tries to answer these questions by introducing samples of Indian carpets from the Gurkhani period that are available in the Metropolitan Museum. 1- Which group of designs do the designs and patterns of Indian carpets in the Metropolitan Museum include? 2- Are the designs used in these rugs based on the Iranian carpet pattern? 3- In the time of Gurkhanids, which designs appeared on Indian carpets under the influence of what factors? The purpose of this study was to introduce the samples of Indian-Gurkhani carpets in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and to study the plant motifs in these samples. The influence of Safavid Iranian art on the formation, stylization in Indian carpet designs during the Gurkhanids, to the extent that for a long time woven carpets with Hindu-Iranian letters were introduced in the market and the study and recognition of plant motifs The use of Indian rugs in design at that time was a necessity that led the researcher to write this article.

In the present research, which has been done by descriptive-analytical method, an attempt has been made to answer the mentioned questions of the research by using Persian and Latin sources and reviewing the information. For this purpose, 8 samples of Indian carpets from the northern Indian subcontinent (Fatah Poursikiri, Lahore, Agra and Kashmir) have been selected. The statistical population includes Indian carpets from the Gurkhani period at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. Since the carpets in this museum almost comprehensively included all kinds of plant and animal motifs, size, color and from most of the famous cities in the field of carpet weaving in India, these 8 examples are among the other examples. Have been selected and reviewed. 

There is no trace of Homayoun''s carpets, but there is evidence that he hired Iranian weavers and copied Iranian carpets. There are also documents that show that Homayoun imported carpets from his cities such as Joshqan, Kerman and Sabzevar for his court and palaces and the elders of India. (Rakhshan and Yushasp Goshe, 1397: 111) "Undoubtedly, these carpets became the model of many Indian carpet designs at that time." (Jouleh, 1381: 213) The most famous carpets that entered India from Iran were Herati Khorasan carpets, which were generally known as Isfahan carpets. Since production in carpet factories during the Akbarshah period did not meet the needs of the Indian market, carpets were also imported from Iran and the import of Iranian carpets to India continued until the time of Aurangzeb. (Welch, 1373: 15). It seems that this migration caused what Iran had throughout the 10th / 16th century AD during the reign of Shah Abbas, to be transferred to Lahore and Agra in India. (Welch, 1385: 28). Thus, the Indian style was formed with the continuation of Indian Gurkhani art and the transfer of the art of the early Iranian Safavid schools.Discourse sonnet is a branch of discourse poetry in Persian classic poetry.The use of Shah Abbasi flowers and animals in the main background and border is one of the common styles in Persian carpets of the Safavid period (Figure 2) with the presence of images of legendary animals such as Simorgh among images of natural animals such as lions and deer. The deer and the use of bright colors were patterned in the Indian style, as seen in Figure 3. "The presence of a congress-like role in the laurel and the side of the carpet is one of the characteristics of East Azerbaijan carpets, which can also be seen in this Indian carpet, and this document indicates the influence of Iranian art on India" (Vakili, 2003: 184) (Figure 3)According to the history of Abolfazl, during the reign of Akbar Shah (1556/1605) and under the personal support of the Shah in Agra, Fatehpour and Lahore, handmade carpet production workshops with Iranian style designs with designs of Kerman, Kashan, Isfahan and Herat With the introduction of naturalistic designs of plants and flowers in these carpets, a special Mongolian style was gradually created. (Allami, 1977: 57) Creative weavers who had traveled from Iran to India, by producing their artistic masterpieces, caused trade Carpets flourished in India and thus settled there (Dimand, 1970: 180).In the time of Shah Jahan, there was a widespread presence of a new style that showed the characteristics of natural flowering plants in the background of a surface or in a row of flowers. The types of flowers are naturally displayed in a lattice pattern. This style did not appear suddenly in the art of this period, but it was also used in the time of Akbarshah, but with the difference that in the period of Shah Jahan, the motifs were completely naturalistic and flowering plants were shown in plain backgrounds or were generally arranged in rows. The flowers are arranged in networks and frames. This style entered the art of India during the reign of Jahangir Shah and reached its peak of popularity during the reign of Shah Jahan.The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York exhibits works from 16th to 18th century (1580-1880) Indian rugs, a period in which Indian carpet weavers produce their most stunning works. The works in this museum represent a wide range of carpets produced in the creative artistic period and the most prominent period of the Mongol Empire. "The reason for choosing this time period is the extraordinary nature of the old samples and for the last samples, the excellent development of the art of carpet weaving and the beauty and charm of the carpets while their abundance" (walker, 1997: 42).    

The discussion of the carpets in the New York Metropolitan Museum of Art follows almost a chronological progression. Indian carpet weaving began in the time of Homayoun Shah in the 16th century under the influence of Safavid Iranian art and was strengthened by the presence of Iranian artists and weavers. According to historical documents, during the reign of Akbarshah and under the patronage of the Shah in different cities of India, carpet production workshops were established with Iranian-style designs. Gradually a special Mongolian style was created. The rugs included images of people, scenes of warring animals, many plant elements, and a row of flowers and diagonal frames with floral motifs in each frame with combinations of Shah Abbasi flowers. Flower arrangement in the late 17th and early 18th centuries during the reign of Jahangir Shah entered the art of India and reached its peak of popularity during the reign of Shah Jahan and continued until the time of Aurangzeb. Perhaps Jahangir Shah''s sense of naturalism or the presence of European medicinal plants in the Mongol court led to the emergence of a beautiful combination of Indian naturalism and European herbalism in the art of this period, resulting in the emergence of Hezargol silk carpets in the late 17th century.

Globalization and the resulting conditions have brought about vast changes in foreign policy of countries all around the world. This has been particularly influential among emerging powers and their foreign policy behavior. It can be said that the communication revolution in the 1980s as well as the collapse of the bipolar system due to the breakup of one-party communist state of Soviet Union along with the expansion of non-governmental organizations and institutions caused emerging countries to pursue various fields in order to achieve their national interests. One of these powers is India, which can play an important role in the international and regional structure due to its special position in both the Indian subcontinent and Asia. Because of its influential political and historical background at global level, India has always been considered as an important actor in regional and international developments and transformations (Mohan, 2006: 2).Political and economic conditions as well as changes that occur due to globalization have made multilateralism one of the pillars of India''s novel foreign policy. Meanwhile, the role of neighboring powers such as China and Pakistan as well as superpowers such as the United States and Russia is outstanding. In this regard, present study addresses multilateral challenges and opportunities in Indian foreign policy. In addition, this paper focuses on the extent of alignment and non-alignment of Indian foreign policy from the perspective of international law.

This article uses a descriptive-analytical approach, relies on data, desk and documentary sources, and reviews the latest studies to examine multilateralism and challenges and opportunities of Indian foreign policy from the perspective of international law.

There are important approaches to international relations and every single approach represents a particular perspective on international relations. One of the most important approaches is realism. For realists, regional cooperation is also sought to avoid being eliminated by powerful rivals and hostile actors (Mearshmer, 2010: 161)According to constructivists, convergence takes place through procedures and intersubjective cognition among actors, and therefore it should be said that these interactions lead to the formation of convergent and cooperative behavior among governments, and they even lead to the establishment of a common identity among governments on a larger scale (Koolaei and Sazmand, 2011: 135).Proponents of collective security, such as Barry Buzan, also believe that maintaining and enhancing collective security is a multilateral factor in international relations (Buzan, 2000: 10-11).Type of orientation each country adopts in external environment can affect strategic and macro interests of other countries in the form of opportunities and constraints (Taheri and Bayat, 2018: 191). During the Cold War, India established a kind of leadership among countries of the world called non-alignment (Sharma and Miklian, 2016: 2). Collapse of the Soviet Union and elimination of one of the power blocs in international politics and, consequently, establishment of hegemonic power of USA and Western capitalism over most parts of the world changed India''s socialist policies and new developments began in India''s foreign policy following collapse of the Soviet Union. Entering the 21st century, India, along with China and other countries with high economic growth, has a double power to influence international and regional levels (Malone and Mukherjee, 2010: 150). Therefore, today India tends to the multilateralism policy and plays an important role in the developments and transformations happening in the Indian subcontinent, Asia, Africa and the international system in general due to its geopolitical and geostrategic location in the Indian subcontinent and its access to Indian Ocean, large population, numerous man labor, different cultures and religions, as well as efforts to play a role at international and regional levels.One of the important signs of India''s foreign policy is the tendency towards superpowers, including the United States and cooperation with NATO (Gholami et al., 2020: 147). The rationale behind these new tendencies is that India encounters many challenges and opportunities due to its strategic geographical location. This country should minimize the threats posed by its neighbors (i.e. Pakistan and China) and at the same time benefit from the support of the United States at regional and international levels (Khokhar, 2018: 18).On the other hand, cooperation between China and India, that are the most populous countries in the world located in sensitive regions, can be considered as an economic threat to the great European powers and the United States. For this reason, Western powers do not favor the development of China and India (Venkat Raman, 2018: 348).Although India and China face opportunities, they also encounter threats from the other side under the principle of multilateralism. Chinese support for Pakistan, for example, has become a major source of concern for Indians (Uddin Gojree, 2014: 56). India has great ambitions. Thus, the two countries can create a balanced order at international level by making changes in the structure of the international system and establishing a common approach considering their goals (Venkat Raman, 2018: 352).If international law is considered as a set of principles accepted by nations and governments at international level, then certain principles and norms prevail this level. The most important principles and norms are adherence of countries to international rules, commitments and norms and countering international threats such as terrorism. Due to its non-alignment policy, India has long been one of the countries recognized international law. Moreover, the names of Indian leaders such as Gandhi and Nehru are recognized as defenders of morality in international politics. India has undertaken extensive activities in line with this approach. India continues to see itself as a major supporter and proponent of shared global values, including human rights and democracy worldwide (Annual Report 2016-2017, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, xvi).

India has vast potential for multilateralism. India''s novel foreign policy is based on interaction with neighboring powers as well as major powers. Thus, given the global conditions resulted from the collapse of the post-Cold War bipolar system, India''s ideological non-aligned foreign policy has been replaced by a pragmatic and multilateral foreign policy that manifests itself in its relations with its neighbors, including China and Pakistan as well as its tendency towards great powers, including the United States and Japan. In any case, it can be said that India has adopted a new approach by reforming and amending the structure of its foreign policy and overcoming its previous ideological and nationalist commitments as well as its non-alignment. India has clearly distancing itself from the old Third World standards that were ruling its domestic and foreign policies. The present study concludes that third world countries should focus on the role India plays at global level when establishing relationship with India. Their relationship with India should also go beyond the ideological goals of the third world. Thus, with its tendency towards regional and global multilateralism, India can be the big voice of developing nations that should pursue a multilateral policy by freeing themselves from unilateral development.On the other hand, an important part of India''s foreign policy in the region and the world lies in its interaction with international law. So signs of morality and observance of international norms can be seen in Indian foreign policy. Accordingly, India can both increase its power and be a voice for developing countries by tending to global powers such as the United States and Russia, as well as engaging with regional neighbors such as Pakistan.

The first immigration wave of Persians to India dates back to around 705-706 AD (Azargoshasb, 1968: 60), probably due to the disappointment of Zoroastrian community in Iran after Arab invasion and lack of hope to regain their fortune in a near future. After many Iranians converted to Islam religion, and harassment of Zoroastrians by Muslim rulers and followers was increased, some groups of Zoroastrians began moving to India and stayed there for good. The got settled in several spots within the North of India and formed local communities which were called Persians. They played an active role in Indian society until their lands were taken again by Muslims. Despite all unfair difficulties, challenges, and restrictions, Persian managed to survive in the subcontinent. When Europeans arrived in India, since they had relatively more fair and easy going policies regarding religions, Persian used this opportunity to involve in trade and business more than ever and hence, successfully expanded their communities (Azargoshasb, 1968: 60, Shahmardan, 1970:22).This period, in which so many foreigners were present in India, provided Persians a chance to express themselves; not only they reformed the Persian community of India, but also introduced their religion and ethics to the Western world by opening their doors to orientalists and gave them access to Avestan & Pahlavi books for the first time. They also could stablish more connections with people inside Iranian borders, especially with those Zoroastrians who had remained there. Moreover, years later these Persians played a positive role in India’s independence and civil wars which led to the disintegration of India in favor of the mainland. Their efforts were appreciated by Indian government and people. (Azargoshasb, 1968: 74-77). The growth of Persian literature during those centuries was dramatic and many books were written in Persian, Gujarati and Sanskrit languages including the versified Ardavirafnameh and Denkardnameh; the illustrated versions of their transcriptions are viewed in this research. With the aim of studying the place of Ardavirafnameh in Zoroastrian religious literature and analyzing its illustrations in comparison to the judicial system of Zoroastrian Jurisprudence, 15 images were selected from 4 handwritten illustrated versions plus the lithographed Indian Ardaviraf Nameh and then were subjected to description and analysis. Retelling a number of undue rulings added to Zoroastrianism by some magi (priests), a background is provided to distinguish pure from impure within the theology of Zoroastrianism.

This research is among the basic theoretical researches in terms of purpose and is considered descriptive-analytical in nature. Gathering library and documentary information and collecting tools is also phishing. The statistical population of the study is 15 selected manuscripts and lithographs of Ardavirafnameh and Dinkardnameh of India that have been selected. 

As well as there are various transcriptions from the original text of Ardavirafnameh, several Zoroastrian artists have also tried to illustrate them.There is no doubt that public attentions and enthusiasm towards Ardaviraf's story has been the most important reason for Zoroastrian writers and artists to approach this subject; but while studying these works, one must consider other social reasons associated with religious propaganda and competing with other religions and schools of thought as side motivations. The history of Zoroastrian art (after Islam) is largely obscure, and the exact number of illustrated copies of Ardaviraf's story is not known; more importantly, the artists who created these copies have remained mostly unknown.The sequence and continuity of the images of the story caused those artists not to follow the usual rules and frameworks of drawing and common depiction. The product of their efforts should rather be considered imagery, which usually does not pay much attention to the details. From these illustrations, we know four works, some of which are manuscripts and some are lithographs, and most likely all of them were made in India.

Ardavirafnameh is a literary-religious book. The narrations of Vandidad and some similar cases are often considered to be in contrary to the essence of Zarathustra’s teachings and several attempts have been made to exclude them from Zoroastrianism. This literary feature not only saved Ardavirafnameh from being lost and forgotten in the history, but also drew more and more attention to it. During the British domination of the Indian subcontinent, Muslim austerity on the Persian-speaking communities of India was somewhat reduced and therefore a noticeable progress was made for them in terms of culture and economy. It was during this period of time that Zoroastrian artists illustrated Ardavirafnameh versions. Not only they did not try to soften the text, but also drew dreadful illustrations for them as much as they could; and again, the woman -the Zoroastrian woman- was the main victim. They mostly focused on women. Women were being tortured and suffering from punishments which were generally related to their gender and sexuality; therefore sometimes pictures were degraded to rudimentary pornography level. This may have been influenced by India's larger society at the time, when both Muslim and Hindu groups were insisting on the traditional role of women, and Persians didn’t want to present themselves as ignorant and indulgent people regarding the sexual affairs of their small community. To address the questions of the present study, it should be clarified that the depictions of Indian manuscripts of Ardavirafnameh are largely influenced by non-court or traditional Indian painting style, which Zoroastrian painters used according to the text and based on the same principles and rules. It can be assumed that if these books were illustrated among the Zoroastrians of Iran, the result could have been quite different. Therefore, the relationship between these illustrations and Zoroastrian jurisprudence is an innovative and transversal one; hence, they cannot be considered as cases of Zoroastrian art. Similarly, the relationship between artists and the text of Ardavirafnameh is a relative one in which the artist intends to warn his audience and thus he hasn’t paid much attention to the aesthetic aspects of his work. One of the biggest points that the illustrators have overlooked is that they have not paid enough attention to the temporal and spatial environment of the story; the character faces are similar to the Indians of recent centuries, and certainly not the pre-Islamic Iranians. Ardaviraf himself and his companions are also dressed like the affluent and elite class of India of that time. So, overall it can be concluded that these illustrations are mainly independent from the literary text of Ardavirafnameh, and they should be studied separately. A total of four illustrated copies have been identified, all of which emphasize on the severe torments and suffering of human souls in Hell; the use of cold and bright colors in colorful drawings has added to the negative psychological aspect of them. Artists tried not to depict nudity of body organs as far as they could, especially those of women; but they did portray naked bodies without any cover only for the purpose of showing their helplessness versus their punishments.  

The Indian-American strategic relations have increased dramatically despite the ups and downs in the Trump office term, since both the United States and India have shared interests in balancing China's power in Asia, and on the other hand the United States assesses India's capacity to be significant as a growing market and a rival against China. The United States is trying to raise India as a counterweight against China and helping India to build its political supremacy in the region and support its leadership role in the Third World especially in Asia is a part of this plan. Nuclear cooperation between the United States and India is a milestone in the relationship between the two countries. Indian and American nuclear exchanges without the need to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) allowed India to engage in non-military trade. In this regard, since the United States and Iran disagree over Iran's nuclear activities, US-Indian nuclear cooperation can affect the national security of Iran in the region and increase international pressure on Iran for its nuclear program.

Given the theoretical nature of this study, it employs a qualitative-descriptive-analytic approach. In qualitative research design, data from historical, descriptive and empirical research are used. The data needed in this study are collected through library references, documents, and various internet websites and resources.

The history of official, diplomatic, and administrative relations between India and the United States dates back to 1947 when Indian gained independence. In 1960, some Indian political exiles entered the United States, and in 1913 a group of Indian patriots led by Lala Hardale established the first powerful Indian party to win American support in California. During the Cold War, the relations between the two countries affected by the East-West rigid blocking and India's close proximity to the Soviet Union on the one hand, and India's accession to the head of the anti-colonial movements and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), on the other hand, left no opportunity for the two countries to get closer to each other (Arghavani Pirsalami & Esmaeili, 2017: 18). Perhaps when, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Indian strategic circles had advised the government that "New Delhi has already fallen on the left side of history, it's now time to sleep on the right side of history," and they point out the necessity of developing India's relations with the United States, no one thought that the Delhi and Washington relations would get so close. With George Bush coming to power, a positive attitude was adopted toward the relationship with India and the emphasis on India's democracy as a shared value between the two countries provided the grounds for the expansion of trade relations with India. Bush emphasized that disputed issues like CTBT would not hinder the deepening of Indian-American relations (Vaezie & Mozhirzadeh, 2015: 139). With Barack Obama's arrival at the White House in 2009, many experts expected the growing India-US relationship to continue based on a logical trend. In July of the same year, Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, visited India, in which several bilateral cooperation agreements were signed between India and the United States. Clinton also explained key components of India-US cooperation in five areas, including strategic cooperation, commercial, economic, and agricultural partnerships, energy and climate change cooperation, education, and scientific technology development partnerships (Aqa'i and Aghdaei, 2014: 317). When announcing his new policy on August 21, 2017, Tramp called India "the US key security and economic partner," and stated that the development of a strategic partnership with India is "an important part of the US strategy in South Asia." The Indian-US nuclear agreement was signed on July 18, 2005, in spite of its non-compliance with the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Under this agreement, India could buy nuclear fuel from the United States and it was allowed to create its strategic nuclear fuel reserves to be used in the event of disruptions in the fuel supply (Mirza & Sadiq, 2008: 3). The agreement was finalized in October 2008, and its realization was important for India in the sense that while removing India from nuclear isolation, it made it possible to provide fuel and nuclear facilities for India and, as a result, India could have reduced its dependence on Persian Gulf energy resources. Besides, while India was not recognized as a nuclear power according to this statement, it was called a responsible state having nuclear weapons (Blank, 2007: 12). Most US policymakers believe that China is a power threatening the US interests in Eastern and Southern Asia. Planning to establish extensive bilateral and multilateral relations with countries in the region, such as India is one of the US policies and strategies to put pressure China and halt its power in the region. In fact, there is a kind of reciprocal relationship between US policies and the Indian nuclear issue. In pursuit of its political and diplomatic goals, the United States takes advantage of the force of nuclear cooperation agreements and, on the contrary, if India satisfies the US demands it will respond positively to the Indian nuclear demands. India's vote against Iran at the IAEA and India's support for the Iranian opposition concerning human rights examples of India’s attempts to support the US demands. The main purpose of the United States behind the US-Indian peace agreement is to turn India into a regional military force to realize American interests, which also affects the security interests of other countries in the region (Shafiei and Faraji-Nasiri, 2014: 21). Accordingly, it can be suggested the cooperation of the US and India in the nuclear field, while tensioning the security of the East of Iran, will make the South Asian region more international and, consequently, intensify the arms race in the region. In its energy-related relations, the United States has pushed Indian companies to refrain from cooperating with Iran, and forcing India to withdraw from the IPI (India-Pakistan-Iran) Pipeline is an example. If the United States leaves the nuclear treaty with Iran, it is anticipated that Saudi Arabia and Israel will step up their efforts to fight Iran's influence in the region. Under such circumstances, New Delhi may restrict its investment in Chabahar, or otherwise face the threats of Washington, Tel Aviv, and Riyadh (Younus, 2018: 2-3). New Delhi's growing relationship with the United States, Israel, and Saudi Arabia has also led Iran to react to New Delhi's policy change; Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif, during his trip to Pakistan in March 2018, invited Pakistan to participate in the development of the Chabahar Free Zone and expressed the desire to connect Gwadar and Chabahar.

The Indian-American relations that began with the independence of India in 1947 have gone through many ups and downs during the Cold War, and after that until the last years of the office term of President Bill Clinton in the United States. However, these relationships improved dramatically in the late Clinton’s term in office, especially from Bush presidency and promoted to the level of strategic relations. However, after the end of the Bush presidency, and as American Democrats came to power in the United States, many Indian and American authorities and experts accused Obama of abandoning Indian-American relations and his disregard for its promotion. The US-Indian nuclear treaty is a milestone in the relationship between the two countries, and after more than 30 years it brought their relations into a new stage of strategic cooperation. This treaty involves the two countries' cooperation in confronting the rise of China as an emerging Asian power that can transform the power equations in Asia, the confrontation with the spread of terrorism in Asia as a common ground for the security threats in the two countries in the post-9/11 period, giving priority to India to serve US interests in South Asia, as well as the emergence of economic opportunities for both sides. The development process China's power at the global arena is such that US presidents are required to determine their strategy for dealing with Beijing. Meanwhile, Washington aims to build a coalition with India in order to maintain and meet its goals and interests in Asia and seeks to control China's regional influence. The US-Indian partnership on the nuclear issue has affected Iran as the South Asian neighbor with its geopolitical and geostrategic characteristics. India's acquisition of a nuclear deal with the United States has been at the expense of reducing the level of relations with Iran. India's vote against Iran in the nuclear issue, its reluctance to operationalize the IPI pipeline, and India’s failure to repay oil debts to Iran are some consequences of the US-Indian partnership.

Amir Khosrow Dehlavi is known as the "Parrot of India" (Samarqandi''''''''s government, 2007: 238). His father, Saifuddin Mahmud, is originally from Lachin and his mother from India''''''''s Pythyol. He lived in the city of Turkestan and was the head of his tribe. From his childhood, he revealed his poetry. Amir Khosro studied the sciences and techniques and studied Persian works and poems in order to find complete mastery of the language. He served at the court of many local kings of India and spent his life. Amir Khosrow became aware of the departure of Bengal and Odeh from his late death, Nizam al-Din al-Ola, while returning to Delhi. He ran to Delhi and headed to the harbor of Torbat Sheikh. He separated from the court and left the world in the same year, the 29th of December, 725 AH. He died at 74, buried in his tomb. Ayatollah Khosrow Masnavi Khezrkhan and Dowarnani (715) at age 62. This poem is about the true description of love and marriage Shamsaddin Khadzarkhan, son of Sultan and Dawlrani daughter of Gujarat. Masnavi Dowarnani and Khazar Khan have a lot of historical and social value in addition to literary advantages. Mohammad Shah Khalaji has ruled in Delhi (from 695 to 716 AD). According to Amir Khosraw (p. 50), in 715 BC In four months and a few days, it''''''''s done four thousand two hundred bits, after which it adds 319 bits, so the entire book is 4519 bits, and before the story begins, the verses in the monotheism and prayer P.) And praises the king of the evening (Aladdin Muhammad). This poem is also called "love and passion" (Safa 1371: 3/781). The divisions of the story of the Dvorrani and Khazar Khan verses from the beginning of the life of Dolarani and Khezarkhan until the end of the story, along with the historical and social events And literary Indian subcontinent. The attention to ethical and humanist themes is seen throughout the story of this rich aristocratic system. In sum, desperation and sad sad sadness spread throughout this romantic system, the love that is in this system is a real experience. Heart experience "It is possible to hear the sound of the poet''''''''s soul, which is crushed and broken by the grief and distress. In this form of love that gives him poems, poetry is pain, pain, real pain. A pain that does not recognize disgrace and scandal and is familiar with scandal and disappointment. However, until the ages, he is not separated from the poet''''''''s soul and, until the end of his life, he has been given the youth of the youth. "(Zarinkoub, 1373: 267) The present article answers the following question: - What are the most prominent topics in the poetry of Ghanai Dowarnani Khizarkhan Amir Khosrow Dehlavi?

The research method in this article is an underlying case with a correlation approach.In this research, documentary methods (surveying descriptive)and surveying (using Amir Khosro''''''''s theories in the Dounorani and Khazar Khan poems) have been used to collect information.The article also seeks to use the content analysis method to analyze and evaluate the many application criteria of the subject matter from the perspective of this character. The realm of this research is the entire text of the original verse of Dunarani and Khazar Khan. Also, the indicators of individual and social moral development have been extracted and formulated individually.

The poem is a poem in which the poet, regardless of his personal feelings, speaks of the perfection of goodwill about the various issues that bring about social reform. Although wisdom and wisdom are not specific to a particular form of poetry, this method of education in the Persian poetry system is enriched. "One of the pillars of stability, permanence and immortality of a work in the East is always the emphasis on moral principles and teachings." (Yalemae, 2011: 154) In Persian poetry, the broadest spiritual and emotional horizon is the horizons of ghana poetry. The topics that make up the ghana poetry in Persian literature are almost all of the same. It is worth noting that in Persian literature, many concepts are often combined, and in most poetic forms there is a set of these concepts. Ghana, in the words of the word, means the song, melody and vocal, and the poetry is said to be a poem that is the reporter of the emotions of the poet''''''''s personal sentiment (Moin, 1375: below the word), and "Ghana''''''''s poems, as its name implies, is poetry." Which deals with love and friendship, suffering and abominations and whatever the human soul is exposed in expressing human emotions "(Razmjoo, 1370: 64). One of the most common types of poetry is romantic poetry. The romantic poems are the expansion of rich poetry. In the gazelle, the concept of love is spoken, but in the romantic system, the same open and extended theme, it finds perfection in the form of a story. Amir Khosrow Dehlavi is a mystic poet of Farsi language, and for ethos-oriented poets, attention has been paid to ethical issues; it is clear, however, that the ancients of the story - even the love poems - have the pretext and pretexts for expressing the subject matter in question. Therefore, poets who create poetry systems try to use every opportunity to teach moral concepts. This research, in a descriptive and analytical way, attempts to represent the traces of indigenous themes and superstitious thoughts regarding the semantic layers of the story of Ghanai Doverani and Khazar Khan.

Amir Khosrow Dehlavi is one of the prominent Iraqi style poets. Simplicity of language and expressiveness The issues between lover and beloved are the hallmarks of his lyrical poetry. Amir Khosrow in the poetry of Ghanai Dowarnani and Khazar Khan is a poetry meaningful, not formative and more meaningful than in its form. Amir Khosraw believes in the poetry of Ghanai Dowarnani and Khazar Khan that the romantic relationship formed on the basis of humor and humanity will never be disconnected, and the preconditions for the spiritual flourishing of this relationship are provided. His goal was not merely the creation of a romantic system, but, by designing and describing the moral themes, has led to an increase in the quality of speech, action, and thinking of people. To achieve this, he has used semantic mystical teaching texts. Amir Khosrow is a Persian mystic poet and alert is very important in Sofia. In this genial system, the love story is like a skin whose ultimate purpose is to admonish and teach.

In the early days of Islam because of the presence of the Prophet (pbuh) and his companions, the Qur'anic words and idioms were not very ambiguous and complex. The earliest books of Gharib Al-Quran were compiled in the second century AH. (Sezgin, 1992, vol. 1 p. 29) The emergence of these works shows that the passing of time, the change of geographical conditions in the field of Islam, as well as the loss of many companions and subordinates who were aware of the meanings of words are important factors in people's ignorance of the meanings of words in later periods. Therefore, some Qur'anic words become ambiguous over time and need to be explained; Abu Ubaydah (d. 210 AH) is the first well-known scholar to consider the fulfillment of this need as the most important motive for compiling the “Permissible Quran”. (Abu Ubaydah, Bita, 8-9) However, interpreters and thinkers have explained the Qur'anic words over time but Hasanuddin Ahmed's special explanation of Qur'anic terms and idioms has made his work worthy of study and analysis.A case study of the idiom of “Far Al-Tannur” has been reviewed in this article with emphasis on Hasanuddin Ahmed's point of view in the book "A New Approach to the Study of the Quran".  Hasanuddin Ahmed (1924-2019) is a lesser-known Quran scholar of the Indian subcontinent. Before the age of 50, he has introduced Urdu language and literature in his works and then his scientific activity in the field of language and literature, has been generally devoted to the Qur'an and history.Hasanuddin Ahmed in addition to the aforementioned book, has works on the basis of which it is possible to discover his methodology in approach to the Qur'an. The works have been published in two titles “A Brief History of Islam” in 593 pages in 2006 and “A Concise History of Islam Essays on the Religio Political History of Islam in 472 pages in 2007. These last two works show that there is an extra-textual (historical-sociological) approach to his Qur'anic works. The critique of this view in the present study also clarifies the dependence of the explanation of the Qur'an on the historical-sociological atmosphere of the Arabic literary. However, Hasanuddin does not mention these influences himself.  

The present study was performed by descriptive-analytic method. To answer the questions of this research, first the constitutive components of the idiom was explained from the perspective of dictionaries. Then, a brief explanation of the meaning of the word in the Sami languages ​​and after that interpreters’ view were considered and evaluated. At the end, Hasanuddin Ahmed's commentary on the idiom of “Far Al-Tannur” has been explained and examined.  

A methodical understanding of Qur'anic concepts is necessary in order to critique Hasanuddin Ahmed's view in explaining “Far Al-Tannur”. “Far Al-Tannur” is consisted of the words “Far” and “Tannur”. There is a little disagreement among philologists about the meaning of “Far”, and it means to boil and gush with a small difference among them. (Khalil bin Ahmad, 1988, vol. 8 p. 279; Ibn Manzur, vol. 5 p. 67), “Tannur” also despite its figurative meaning, usually means a place to bake bread (Khalil bin Ahmad, 1988, vol. 3 p. 154; Sahib bin Abbad, 1993, vol. 8 p. 353; Tha'alabi, 2001, p. 208; Zamakhshari, 1998, p. 96) and it is a common word in Farsi and Arabic language (Suyuti, 1993, vol. 1 p. 120) And even known as a loaned-word (word loan) from the Sami languages (Mashkour, 1978, vol. 1 p. 107) and even before that (Jeffery, 2007, P 94-95). The disagreement between interpreters’ views is based on the different figurative and real meanings of “Tannur” as well as idiomatic meaning of “Far Al-Tannur”. Relying on some narrations, the first group of interpreters have carried “Tannur” on the real meaning as a place to bake bread (for example: Fara, vol. 2 p. 14; Tabari, 1999, vol. 15 p. 317-322; Zamakhshari, 2010, vol. 17 p. 346; Tabatabai, 2011, vol. 10 p. 337) which is distorted despite the anxiety of the narrations as well as the linguistic critique carried out by some interpreter and Qur'an scholar.The second group of interpreters have taken the figurative meaning of “Tannur” that means the earth's surface (Fakhr Razi, 1999, vol. 17 p. 346; Ibn Ashur, 2001, vol. 12 p. 70; Ma’refat, 2000, vol. 2 p. 168) high place (Ibn Jawzi, 2001, vol. 2 p. 372; Fakhr Razi, 1999, vol. 17 p. 346) dawn (Seyyed Morteza, Bita, vol. 2 p. 170;tabresi, 1372,vol 5, p274; Qurtubi, 1985, vol. 9 p. 33) and the place where water collects in the ship (Seyyed Morteza, 2010, vol. 2 p. 436; Qurtubi, 1985, vol. 9 p. 33) which is critical and rejected.The third group of commentators has interpreted “Far Al-Tannur” as a term by referring to the background of terminological interpretations such as “Hami Ul-Watees” and some of them have considered “Far Al-Tannur” as an allusion to God’s wrath (Tabatabai, 2011, vol. 10 p. 337; Makarem Shirazi, 1992, vol. 9 p. 97) and a group has interpreted that to raise the bar (to increase water of flood) (Fakhr Razi, 1999, vol. 17 p. 346; Ibn Ashur, 2001, vol. 12 p. 70). Among these, the meaning of God's wrath due to the precedence of the figurative meaning over the real has been rejected by some (Seyyed Morteza, Bita, vol. 2 p. 170; tabresi, 1372,vol 5, p274; Fakhr Razi, 1999, vol. 17 p. 346); but the idiomatic meaning of increasing flood has enough support in the field of ancient Quranic linguistics, in other words it is based on the conversational principles of the Arabic language as well as it is reasonable from the point of view of historical methodology; thus the authors’ opinion in this article is in line with Ibn Ashur’s one.Hasanuddin Ahmed's opinion is in line with the authors' preferred opinion; and it increases understanding the Qur'an based on understanding its terms but it is not based on lexical review of commentators' views and evaluations. Therefore, in this sense, it is a kind of mental perception which made by the author. What Hasanuddin Ahmed refers to as a new approach can be found in the evaluation of the views of the predecessors as mentioned before. Therefore, Hasanuddin Ahmed’s view is distorted due to the lack of a specific basis in explaining the terms, the lack of the research method and not paying attention to the source. Hasanuddin Ahmed's explanation and analysis of Qur'anic idioms are among the historical-linguistic methods. Lack of attention to research methods puts the researcher on the path in which he votes with himself and makes methodical reading of Qur'anic idioms a personal reading. 

However Hasanuddin Ahmed's explanation of “Far Al-Tannur” is not literal and it is consistent with some of interpreters’ view; but it is criticizable from the aspect of base, method and source; Hasanuddin Ahmed does not represent any clear base to define his reason of choosing “Far Al-Tannur” meaning; he also does not render any specific method from the methodological point of view and his work has become such a dictionary of terms because of explanation of “Far Al-Tannur” and the other idioms. The author is silent on the phenomenon of perception in research and he does not refer to the works of the interpreters who have dealt with this meaning as well as discussed in this article from the source point of view.“Fawr” in “Far Al-Tannur” in terms of methodology, literally means the eruption and boiling that is attributed to smoke and fire and it metaphorically is also attributed to wrath. “Tannur” also based on dictionaries as well as Sami languages culture, in spite of disagreement in the end literally means an oven. Commentators' opinions on “Far Al-Tannur” vary according to the real and figurative meaning of “Tannur”. First, the real meaning of “Tannur” which is based on narrations and leads to the literal translation of “Far Al-Tannur”. This interpretation of the commentators is rejected because it is based on anxious narrations. Second, the figurative meaning of “Tannur” that refers to 4 meanings; the first figurative meaning is “earth's surface” that does not have enough evidence to accept and is rejected. The second one is "high and lofty place" which is not a common and well-known meaning and is more tasteful and rejected. The third one is "dawn of dawn" which has no proper form in terms of morphology and structure of the word and is based on the heart of the Qur'an. The fourth figurative meaning, "the place where water collects" is based on the same narrations that were mentioned in the first sense and is rejected due to the anxiety of the narrations. Third, an idiomic meaning that is not based on the singular meaning of the words “Far Al-Tannur”, and according to the verb of “Far” to God or water, respectively, means the end of divine wrath and also the highest level of water. According to the principles of Arabic dialogue, the historical-sociological methods and other evidences, “Far Al-Tannur” as an idiom means "reaching the highest level of water" that is intended by the authors, and Hasanuddin Ahmed's explanation lacks this methodical study.  

 The Tension in relations between the two influential Islamic countries, Iran and Saudi Arabia, have affected relations between Iran and the Islamic world, including Pakistan's neighboring Islamic State. Between 1991 and 2018, the Saudi actions, which stemmed from the influence of the country's norms, ideas and beliefs on foreign policy, had a negative impact on relations between Iran and its important eastern neighbor. Saudi Arabia that perfecting the leadership of the Islamic world, inspired by the teachings of Wahhabism and its anti-Shiite rhetoric, has diverted relations between Iran and Pakistan. Supporting Salafi groups and currents inside Pakistan and financially feeding the Iranian opposition in Balochistan have been major policies of the Saudis for the past thirty years.Relations between Iran and Pakistan are very important for our country's foreign policy and how we can have a close relationship with that country, despite the many problems. Identifying one of the main causes of divergence and disruption in Iran-Pakistan relations is one of the main goals of the present study. Foreign policy agents and decision makers can be informed of the various dimensions of the impact of Saudi Arabia's actions on Pakistan and Iran 's behavior towards each other, using the findings of the article. This research also puts the production of necessary literature for academics at the forefront of its goals. Using constructivism theory, this paper seeks to answer the question of how the intellectual and ideological structures that govern Saudi foreign policy have affected Iran-Pakistan relations. 

 The research method in the present study is analytical-descriptive. Depending on the nature and type of subject matter being studied, information is collected using library-documentary tools. Accordingly, in order to analyze the extracted information and evaluate the hypothesis and finally answer the research question, in the method of qualitative analysis, library examples have been used as a criterion and criterion for evaluation. The data used in this study are qualitative and these data can be converted to a smaller number, so they are analyzed in the same way that they were collected. In this qualitative data, most of the objectives were to describe the subject. The present study is also a cross-sectional study and covers the period 1991 to 2018. During this period, due to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the spread of Islamic fundamentalism in the world, relations between neighboring countries in the Middle East and Southwest Asia have undergone fundamental changes.

One of the areas where Iran and Saudi Arabia are at loggerheads over these issues and seek to expand their influence is the subcontinent and Pakistan. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Saudi aid to Central Asian countries and its connection with the region is provided through Pakistan. The two countries are also working together to resolve the Afghan crisis. During the Afghan war, when Pakistan was in dire need of Saudi aid, the monarchy widely supported Pakistan. Saudi religious associations and circles entered Pakistan with the motive of promoting and helping Afghan Mujahideen and immigrants, as well as assisting religious groups inside Pakistan (Mohammad Sharifi, 2004: 223).Saudi religious circles have focused their major investments on establishing schools and mosques. These schools entertained the teachings of traditional Islamic thought by Ibn Taymiyyah, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, and Shah Wali Allah. Inside Pakistan, Saudi-influenced schools supported Saudi Arabia's militant stance against Iran. Due to the increasing power of such schools, the wave of violence and opposition to Iranian-backed revolutionary Islamists has intensified. In fact, Saudi Arabia stepped in in the early 1980s to counter Iran's influence on Pakistani Shiites. (Abbas,2010:56)The Saudi government, along with Pakistan, provided financial and military support to the Taliban movement. Saudi Arabia had two main motives in support of the Taliban: First, Saudi Arabia considers itself the center of the Islamic world and considers helping Muslims a kind of religious duty. The second motive was to compete with Iran's growing influence in Afghanistan and Central Asia and to isolate Iran, which considers itself the center of the Islamic world (Massoudnia & Najafi, 2011: 106) .

 All in all, the Saudi government's identity-building foundations, which have been formed in interaction with the Shiite government of Iran, have led the country to pursue a counter-revolutionary policy toward Iran since the early 1980s. Saudi Arabia's identity is at odds with the role Iran plays in these areas. The most important point of Iran's confrontation with Saudi Arabia is in the field of the Islamic world. In this regard, Iran has challenged the identity, political and religious legitimacy of the Saudi government. Hence, Saudi Arabia opposes any move by Iran in the region.According to the current events in West Asia, efforts to spread sectarianism in the region will not be out of the question. The spread of sectarianism as a tool is that Saudi Arabia is directly spread through the schools, Deobandi supporter of Wahhabism, and the financial support and arms from the group, the cult-oriented in combating the influence of the Shiites in the region led by Iran.The issue of sectarianism and the spiritual influence of the Iranian revolution in Pakistan strengthened radical forces in Pakistan. Following this issue, the Arab countries and Pakistan also stimulate the Iranian minority. This factor has made Tehran very sensitive to sectarian issues. As a significant population of Sunnis lives in Iran's border provinces and is somewhat ethnically and culturally diverse, Iran's sensitivity to the issue has increased. Saudi Arabia and Pakistan's influence on Iranian Sunnis has expanded in recent years. On the other hand, the revival of the Baloch nationalist movement in Pakistan since 2004 has become a source of threat to the country's internal security and Iran's national security.Saudi Arabia is seeking to form a coalition with Pakistan and is trying to have a strategic ally in the shadow of the United States to continue its rule without the support of the people in the region. Riyadh is also trying to turn Pakistan into a backyard to use its shared borders with Iran to counter its anti-Iranian plans.Pakistani officials are somewhat confused about the choice between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Despite the need for Saudi financial aid, Pakistan cannot ignore Iran's strategic position in the region. They want to have a smooth relationship with Iran, which is economically, security-wise and anthropologically important for Islamabad, but Al-Saud does not. Another important factor in Islamabad's approach is the crossing of the rope between Saudi Arabia and Iran, following the sharp differences between the two countries. In such a situation, Pakistani officials have visited Iran and are trying to improve bilateral relations by playing a neutral mediating role. 

undoubtedly،one of the most important goals of religion of islam،which is the arrival of individuals at the grade of caliph of islam(انی جاعل فی الارض خلیفه)(بقره/30) in the shadow of this cultural right, it will be possible to promote the identity and development of individuals in society، but what is evident in practice is that the right of cultural right is neglecte، and the fundamental laws of some Islamic states that must be expressed in the cultural institutions of the society and the fundamental rights of the nation are required to correct، complete، and review the cultural right of individuals. on this basis the comparative study of the cultural right of iran،iraq and pakistan which expresses the attitude of these legal systems is cultural right and it aims to explore their strengths and weaknesses, and the aim is to explore the status of the right،in the legal system of islam and the basic rules of the dispute. so the questions we seek to answer arewhat are the examples of cultural right to be the event of the international community? 2 - What is the view of the legal system of Islam against this right? 3 - As compared to the basic rules of Iran، Iraq and Pakistan, which would have maximum impact on the religion of Islam in the field of cultural right، which required the maximum and which required completion and revision?

The present study was conducted by comparative analysis using library tools،in which، while enumerating examples of cultural rights from international human rights documents، the position of this right in the Islamic legal system was explained and the approach of the Iranian and Iraqi constitutions. Pakistan has been comparatively studied in relation to cultural rights and their commonalities and differences have been stated. International is explained in this regard.

international human rights documents, the following six cases are counted as examples of cultural rights: 1. The right to benefit from free education 2. The right to freedom of religion and belief 3. The right to use the native language 4. The right to protect cultural heritage 5. The right to enjoy all kinds of art 6. The right of maximum participation of individuals in cultural activities. The right to free education has been emphasized in the religion of Islam and is mentioned in many verses and hadiths (Tusi, 1414: 488; Kazemi،1404: 237). This right is stated in principles 3،43 and 30 of the Iranian constitution. This law mentions that education is free but does not mention that it is compulsory. Articles 37 and 38 of the Pakistani constitution state that education is compulsory, and Article 34 of the Iraqi constitution، like that of Iran and Pakistan, recognizes free education as a right for all. The right to freedom of religion and belief is clearly stated in the verse "La Akrah fi al-Din" and the jurists have claimed consensus on the right to freedom of religion and belief. (Ameli, 1413: /3 / 78) Belief is a matter of the flesh and individuals should join it with full desire. Principles 12 and 23 of the Iranian Constitution refer to the right to freedom of religion and belief،but Article 13 of this law only recognizes Zoroastrian،Jewish and Christian Iranians as religious minorities. Recognizes that such a restriction appears to be contrary to the right to freedom of religion or belief. Article 20 of the Pakistani Constitution and Article 2 of the Iraqi Constitution refer to the absolute right to freedom of religion or belief. The right to freedom of language and the use of the indigenous language has been protected by the religion of Islam،and Islamic jurists have paid special attention to it، so that in the most important stage of concluding contracts، the parties to the contract are required to express themselves in Arabic. (Shahid I، 1410: 175) Article 15 of the Constitution of Iran and Article 251 of the Constitution of Pakistan and Article 4 of the Constitution of Iraq،in addition to introducing the official language of the country، mention the freedom of indigenous languages.The right to protect cultural heritage has been emphasized in the form of paying attention to the heritage of the past and thinking about their fate in the religion of Islam. (Nahj al-Balaghah, 1414: 113) The jurists of Islam have also attached great importance to the preservation of cultural heritage. Shahid Thani states: If it is possible to separate the deviant cases of misleading books،it should be enough to eliminate the same deviant cases and it is not permissible to destroy other parts of that book. (Shahid Thani،1410: 3/214) Article 10 of the law The Iraqi constitution briefly mentions the right to the protection of cultural heritage, and the constitutions of Iran and Pakistan lack any wording in this regard. The right to enjoy all kinds of art has been protected by the holy shari'a in numerous verses and hadiths. (Ameli, 1409: 5/6; Qomi, 1413: 1/129) Islamic jurists have referred to the art of sculpture ،painting ،etc. Hali، 1412: 159/379; Najafi, 1404: 22/41) The constitutions of Iran، Iraq and Pakistan lack any expression in the field of the right of individuals to enjoy art، while the constitutions of most countries refer to the right to art. The right of maximum participation of individuals in the activities of society in the form of the presence of believers in mosques،propaganda and dissemination of religious teaching، etc. has been emphasized by Islam. (Hamiri, 1413: 77) Article 3 of the Iranian Constitution refers to this fundamental right of the nation The Constitution of Pakistan generally refers to the activities of individuals to regulate individual and social life, which is basically part of the dimensions of individuals' lives, participation in cultural activities of society.The Iraqi constitution on the right of individuals to participate in cultural activities lacks any expression. 

The right to education is enshrined in the constitution in question،but the Iranian and Pakistani constitutions do not apply the principle of non-repetition. The Iranian and Iraqi constitutions provide for the right to free education at all levels،while the Pakistani constitution lacks such a principle. is Freedom of religion for religious minorities is enshrined in the constitution،but in the Iranian constitution, contrary to the constitutions of Pakistan and Iraq، only Zoroastrian، Jewish، and Christian Iranians are recognized as religious minorities، and it is recommended that all minorities be reviewed in the Iranian constitution. According to Article 20 of Pakistan "s constitution، Pakistani lawmakers have the right to promote their faith،which seems that it will deflect low - level knowledge of Islam s rich convictions and cause them apostasy The Iraqi constitution in the field of preserving cultural heritage only refers to the preservation of holy religions and religious places،and the fundamental laws of Iran and Pakistan lack expression. despite the obligation of islam to the benefit of people from the right of art، the basic rules in this regard do not have any expression. The right of individuals to participate in the cultural activities of society is enshrined in the constitutions of Iran and Pakistan. while the Iraqi constitution does not have any expression،it is assumed that the basic rules are to be resolved.

Tragedy Show (Ta'zieh) is a ritual that has its origin in religious traditions. This show is of an Islamic appearance but its origin is Iranian and represents a mythical and ritual heritage of Persia. The feature of this show is that it combines clarity and flexibility with universal truths and by singularization of Folk Art lifts off the border between the viewer and the actor and in this way the viewer becomes part of the show. In the cultures of Iran and India and in mythological literature, mourning ceremonies are held for commemoration of the elites and heroes and the description of some of them has been offered in poetry and prose. The current essay aims at studying the methods of holding the tragedy shows in Iran and India and its influence on the revival of Ashura themes and rituals. The research question: Which practice methods have been used for holding tragedy shows in Iran and India? The expansion of Shiism in India owes to the ceremonies of commemoration of the tragic martyrdom of Imam Hossein. Upon the arrival of Islam to India through the Newly Converted Persia (Muslim Iran), part of the rituals and ceremonies of mourning particularly the tragedy show (Taziah) and Ashura screen shows made their ways to this land.

This study has been conducted using descriptive method and in some cases the method of analysis has also been used. The data have been collected through library studies and based on the books and authentic websites.

Mourning for the tragedies of Imam Hossein and his household and companions in the event of Ashura has led to the creation of a tragedy show called Taziah. This tragedy show has its roots in various thematic fields: religion, history, literature, anthropology, psychology, sociology. However, what is reflected more in this tragedy show is its religious notion, literary method and poems, musical aspects and songs in the form of a show. In this type of popular performance, the viewer is himself an actor and persuades others to show their emotional reactions. The performance of Taziah tragedy show in every place including city or village is easily possible in a special site in every season be it winter or summer and with any number of performers. This show has its own specific tools, apparatus and methods and for its performance, time, space, nearness and distance lose their meaning. Ta'zieh as a term has a different meaning in India and it does not refer to a theatre or drama performed on the scene rather it represents a real theme, i.e. limited recreation of the tomb of Imam Hossein. This symbolic tomb is carried on the shoulders of mourners in the mourning gatherings in Moharram with various arrangements that remind the events of Karbala. Tragedy show of Ta'zieh was first arranged by Timur the Lame in India. In India, city of Lanco is the main center of mourning for Imam Hossein. This ceremony emerged during the reign of Oudh Kings. In India the performers of the mourning rituals are called “Mourner” and the performance itself is referred to as “pilgrimage”. Pilgrimage, on the one hand, is a combination of the performance of the event of the martyrdom of Imam Hossein and on the other hand, narration of the historical events, majorly religious historical events by a narrator. Today, after several years, Ta'zieh has turned to a fine art in India. These tragedy shows vary in view of their design and size and every city has its own narrative. Two types of tragedy show are used in Indian Subcontinent. One is the temporal and the other is permanent. Permanent tragedy shows are usually called “Shrine”. These shows are held in places called “Imam Bareh”, “Ta'zieh House” or “Ashura House” and people pay visit to these places. Every old great “Imam Bareh” has its own specific Shrine or Ta'zieh. Recitation of the events of Karbala is one of those ceremonies that are related to Ta'zieh and include part of its performative texts and is recited in commemoration of the Imams and their progeny. This expressive method (recitation of the tragic events of Karbala) has a close relationship with the tragic mourning of the mythological culture that has gradually made its way into the Shia mourning culture. The most important book concerning the tragedies and passions of Imam Hossein has been authored by Hossein Waez Kashefi in 1051 H. entitled “Rawzah Al Shuhada” [Commemoration of Martyrs] or “Paradise of Martyrs”. This work is a tragic description of the martyrdom of Imam Hossein in Karbala and also the passions of other Shia martyrs. This book led to the emergence of a new type of recitation of the events of Karbala. Two and half centuries later, thanks to this work, lyric poems and the texts of Ta'zieh shows were combined. Indian Shia Muslims under the influence of the method of the mourning in Iran and particularly due to their familiarity with Persian wrote beautiful poems. The ceremony of recitation of the tragedies of Imam Hossein made its way from Iran into India. These rituals were first held in Persian language. The religious scholars (clerics), merchants, artists and poets sometimes migrated from Iran to India and chose the latter as their hometown. This caused the Muslim Indians to be influenced by the culture and method of mourning of Iranians.

 Taziah as one of the greatest performative ceremonies has served as an expression of the religious emotions and rituals in Iran and India. The origin of these popular mourning ceremonies in commemoration of Imam Hossein and his Household is to be traced back to the passions of the events of Ashura. Ta'zieh as a tragedy show in Iran has been held in the form of a mourning show which is a combination of artistic and literary elements including Imam Hossein show, mourning ceremony, music, song, painting and etc. this form of Ta'zieh through cultural and commercial relations and communications of the Iranian Shia immigrants in past centuries has influenced Indian Muslims and Shia in particular. The Indian Muslims have also modified these rituals and ceremonial shows and indigenized them and perform them every year. Ta'zieh in India is not just limited to ritual performance rather it also refers to small shrines carried like coffins by the mourners and its reason can be sought for in the distance of the Indians from Karbala and the Holy Shrine of Imam Hossein. These shrines along with other sacred items are kept within buildings called “Imam Bareh” which are similar to Imamzadeh in Iran. This can also be considered as a type of simulation of the shrines and holy tombs of the Imams and their progeny.     

The wars between Iran and Russia in nineteenth century, are an important historical milestone  which made Iranians aware of their backwardness. The most important way to deal with this situation, was to obtain the democratic achievements of the modern western civilization and the transition from authoritarian government to a law abiding and obligated government. Of course, the background of Iranian ,s awareness of the consequences of modern civilization and especially idea of ​​constitutionalism, goes back to earlier times. The Study of Persian logbooks of India, although not published in Iran and apparently had no direct effect on the political awakening of the elites and the masses of Iranian people in the years leading up to constitutionalism, shows that India under British colonization and works of those Iranians who were living there, were important sources for Iranians to know modern civilization including British constitutionalism. And what was the connection between the rule of constitutional system and the progress of the country and the welfare and comfort of the people? The following article try to answer the question that what was the understanding of authors of the three logbooks, Shegarfnamey-E Velayat by Etesam al-Din, Tohfatolalam by Abdul Latif Shushtari and Masir -E Talebi by Mirza Aboutalebkhan, from British constitutionalism and what was the connection between the rule of constitutional system with the progress of the country and the welfare of the people. Thus, the purpose of this article is to show that before the Iran-Russia wars and the Iranians awareness of their backwardness, a kind of attention to the progress and reflection of the idea of ​​constitutionalism and the necessity of its establishment in Islamic countries, especially Iran, in the works of Persian writers in India can be found. The three mentioned logbooks can be considered as the first narrators of the idea of ​​constitutionalism in Persian. An important features of these writings is that they did not see the issue of progress and constitutionalism in the West, including Britain, only in terms of concepts such as their degeneration or backwardness. And so their main content is a sign of the mentality confrontation of some Iranians with the developments of the modern world which focuses more on institutional differences and current procedures, rather than on understanding its intellectual and thought-provoking foundations. Therefore, understanding the contents of these logbooks is important and necessary for the analysis of the process that the Iranians mind and thought has started in the face of the new civilization and the way it has passed. 

The research method of the present article is descriptive-analytical in order to focus on the texts of these logbooks and understanding the issue and their concern to explain the perspectives of the authors of these works about the evolution of modern world and in particular the narrative of British constitutionalism and survey the comparative study between Islamic and Eastern countries especially Iran with the developments and events of the modern world from the perspective of the authors of these logbooks.In this regard, the method of collecting information, is library method and based on the text of the three mentioned logbooks, with the emphasis on clarifying the desired intellectual principles by the authors of the logbooks, which is specifically based on their descriptive discourses which is done according to the British constitutional rules and regulations.

 Among the three case study logbooks despite some commonalities, Including in view of the achievements of the new world there are also differences, especially with the British Constitutionalism. Etesam Al-Din describes constitutionalism with traditional literature and concepts, and states that the king's authority, separation of powers, and the legal and democratic exercise of power are the main features of the British political system. Also Mirza Aboutaleb pays special attention to the customary nature of the laws and the separation of religion from politics in Britain. (Isfahani, ibid:251). Compared to the other two authors, and despite the fact that Shushtari did not see Britain and its political institutions, including the parliament directly and closely, he pays more attention to the British constitutional achievements and using them for Iran. On the one hand, he attributes the creation of constitutionalism to the eradication of the influence and authority of the Roman Church and British religious independence, as well as the involvement of natural and Western philosophers (Shushtari:254-251). On the other hand, there is a direct relationship between the establishment of constitutionalism and the progress and power of Britain and the welfare of the people and the provision of the rights of the British people (ibid: 259, 277-276, 284). In this way, he criticizes the authoritarian system of Iran and considers the rule of constitutionalism as a condition for Iran's progress and its empowerment (ibid:339). 

Although the understanding of these logbooks from constitutionalism was not based on analysis of the theoretical foundations of modern European political thought and none of them had a clear discourse on the advancement of Muslims or Iranians, but they reflected some aspects of the way which Muslims and Iranians confront with the manifestations of modern European civilization. And for the first time, some modern institutions, as well as the content of some modern concepts, are presented to their audience. It seems that in addition to their traditional affiliations in not presenting a positive and specific account of British constitutionalism, such as being likely to be the headline of the Iranian people and officials, their political attitudes and dependence on the institutions of power in India, including the British has also been so effective that it has even created a kind of empathetic view to the British in a significant part of these works. Also, the authors of three mentioned logbooks were not yet in the reactionary and helpless atmosphere caused by Iran's defeat of Russia and the pressure of the modern civilization, and therefore it is natural that such logbooks should not have been written with the concern of progress and within the framework or under the influence of the discourse of progressivism and modernity and with the knowledge of the foundations of modern European political thought. In their point of view, the West, including the United Kingdom, was not seen as the only model for progressing to be compared with Iran's degeneration and backwardness. Therefore, they can be considered as narrators who, before proposing the idea of ​​degeneration and backwardness of Iran and forming the concern for progress, presented a narrative of the British constitutionalism. This shortcoming does not necessarily diminish the importance of these texts, and the value of the narration of this group of travel writers should not be overlooked. The acquaintance with their point of view, and of course the attention to the logic of subsequent developments, points out that the issue of Iranian backwardness was largely raised over time, especially through the observation of inefficiencies and failures such as Iran's defeat by Russia. And apparently those inside Iran became more central to those who were in areas such as India. In addition, a significant portion of Iranians who later became acquainted with the developments of the modern world gradually found a greater tendency to understand the normative nature of thought contained in the text of modern developments. What was almost absent in the eyes of travel writers in Inida, who were mostly political officials, that they were more concerned with the hard-line and institutional dimensions of change. In addition of some factors like the lack of translation and publication of logbooks at that time in Iran or the locative and temporal distance, perhaps this is the difference in perspective that makes it impossible to speak directly and positively influence of this group of Indian Iranians on Iranian constitutionalism. However, these texts show some marks of the first encounters of the Iranian thought with new developments. Perhaps these works can be considered conceptually and theoretically in the interval between the creation of astonishment, such as those who were later encountered to it such as Mirza Abolhassan Khan Ilchi, and the beginning of reflections on the kind of question that Abbas Mirza asked why this is our situation, and what should be done?

In the Indian subcontinent, including the Kashmir region of India. Given India's long-standing political and cultural ties with Iran, as well as evidence, Indo-Pakistani subcontinent gardens from the 16th to the 18th centuries; It is the result of the cultural bond of the Indians with other nations and during the Mongol Empire in northern India. This research uses the method of historical analysis to study the role and pattern of Iranian garden in gardening in Kashmir region and express their similarities and differences. The purpose of this article is to better understand the cultural ties between the Indian subcontinent and Iran in the field of garden architecture and design. The political and cultural relations of this land with Iran, have made the writers seek to answer the questions that Kashmir freight gardens have been formed under the influence of Iranian gardening? And is it possible to find an architectural homogeneity and connection between Kashmir gardens and Iranian gardening? Evidence suggests that Iranians have played an important and influential role in the gardening tradition of the Kashmir region of India, which will be examined in the following article.

Persian literature has undergone one of the most important periods of its transformation in the Indian subcontinent and the land of India, where the number of Persian manuscripts and Manuscripts in the land of India is still close to all manuscripts in Iran. Therefore, the position of Persian language in the subcontinent, in which for centuries of Persian language has been the main, official and circular of Islamic-Iranian thought and culture is very high and valuable. Research on the Persian poets and writers of the language of the period, which has left the Valuable works in poetry and prose, is an indispensable and inevitable cause; because today, we are indebted Today's glory of Persian in the subcontinent region to those who are forgotten, and maybe a name of them, even in the history of our literature time, is not mentioned. Kashmiri's vision is one of those owners of style, whose biography and detailed research about whom have not been provided; Mir Ja'far Beyg, recognized as Binesh, is a Persian-Hindi poet in the eleventh century. His ancestors migrated from Iran to Kashmir and spent their life there. Binesh was born in that land (Routledage, Kegan Paul. 1990, pp164-165). To understand each poet and work, it is necessary to examine the ideologies and thoughts of the poet, because the language is influenced by these ideas and ideologies at each level and in each age. Ideology is "a system of norms, values, beliefs, and worldviews that guide socio-political attitudes and the actions of a group, a social class, or society as a whole" (Noth, 2004). In fact, it is the individual beliefs, which are steadily and gradually learned with respect to each period of time, override and change thinking, speech, perception and individual reasoning. Binesh Kashmiri, this Indian-Persian poet, is a from Kashmir who lives in that geography and has never seen the land of Iran, but Iranian intellectual and cultural traits is quite evident in the language and expression of his poetry; this study addresses this issue to find out why a poem who has spent his entire life in Kashmir and India, but his linguistic skills and traits are entirely Iranian? It also answers these questions, who is Binesh Kashmiri and what is his poetry style? Can we visualize an image of the poet's community by examining the text of a poet's poetry? Binesh Kashmiri, like mirrorists, reflects the thoughts and beliefs of the Iranian people, which has engraved in his subconscious and manifested in his poetry. Therefore, the study of the intellectual content of Binesh Kashmiri added on the findings of Iranian history, culture and civilization during the Timurid period and maybe this type of research will lead to the establishment of discrete circles of our interactions and commonalities between Iran and the land of the India subcontinent.

The research method in this paper is library and documentary. After reaching the existing manuscripts of the work, the writer reads the manuscripts and takes note of the points given in the text, as well as studies in the books of biography and the history of literature, introduces the poet and examines his poetic themes. Then, reviewing the copies of the work and referring to library resources and authentic internet sites, the political, cultural and artistic ideologies of the Timurid period were examined and their reflection in Binesh poetry was examined. Since the research results from the handwriting manuscripts have been taken; therefore, where a verse is given as an instance, instead of page numbers, the number of the sheet is mentioned. It is necessary to state that the samples of the verses in the section (poetry works and introduction of the work) of the poet's generalities No. 705 of the Library of the British Museum. Hereafter, where the verse has been given as an instance, taken from the 1571 edition of the treasure trove of the easel manuscripts of the Tajik Academy of Sciences.

One of the important consequences of the Indian Timurid rule is the expansion of some aspects of Iranian culture and civilization in the Indian subcontinent. This was due to the fact that the great leader of this dynasty, Timur, paid special attention to the maintenance of Turkish rules and the preeminence of the Turks of Chagatai to Iranian nationals (Ajand, 1383: 825). After Timur's death, a number of his sons and grandchildren moved away from his political and cultural heritage and became an affinity for Iranian culture, art, literature and science (Razpush, 1383: 834). Babur and some of the next kings of the Indian Timurid series, including Shah Jahan and Orang Zi, were the princes who became interested in manifestations of Iranian culture and civilization. This insight and way of thinking, not only paved the way of Iranian immigrants access to the important administrative and military occupations of the Indian Timurid, but also provided some of the manifestations of Iranian culture and civilization in that land Binesh Kashmiri is an Indian –Persian poet who, despite the fact that he did not see the land of Iran even once, but his Persianism and Iranianism are quite evident in his poems. So that even a Hindi word has not been found in his court , and he uses the terms, combinations, and conspiracies used in his poetry, which is entirely Iranian, and is undoubtedly derived from thoughts and the ideas of an Iran friendship by all intents and means that have overshadowed the speeches, perceptions and individual arguments of the Kashmiri poet. Some cases have been investigated for the "You may know by the handful the whole sack"maxim in this study.

Binesh Kashmiri has emerged in the Hindi style of time, but his desire for Iraqi style is higher. Binesh, in addition to the poetry Diwan that includes the lyrics and Qsayd, has six mathnavis: Binesh-e- Absaar, , Ganj-e-Ravan, Shour-e-Khiyal, Goldaste, Reshte-e GoharT, Jawaher Nama. Iranian thoughts and passion and ideologies have had a profound effect on the poetry of Binesh. His poetry expresses a deep and lofty emotional feeling about his interest in Iranian language and culture, and has reflected Iranian ideas in his poems as a true and loyal follower of the state. What is revealed by the poems of Binesh, his personality is tied up with integrity and truth. He has embraced ethical doctrines through his poetry through the use of knowledge and thought in an eloquent and explicit terms. A deep, precise, and insightful understanding of the concepts and terminology used in his poetry, In addition to the richness and Prosperity of his poem reflects his domination of Iranian culture, language, and knowledge in his words, and is an indication of the same interest which was aforementioned. In his poems, he has repeatedly recalled some of the cities and places of the land of Iran. A land that has not even seen before death. Also, the reflection of Iranian architecture and remembrance of some traditions such as the Nowruz celebrations of that period, popular beliefs common in Iranian culture, paying much attention to the early poets of Khorasani and Iraqi style, and all of them lead to a better understanding of the poet and also to illustrate Indirectly, some of the corners of the social and intellectual history of the Indian timurid era. The poet's interest and focus is on his ancestral land.

 Introduction

The study of the formation of Qadianiyeh and the Ahrar Islamic Assembly depends on two factors: the geographical and political situation of the Punjab region. The region was home to a large population of followers of Islam, Sikhs and Hindus, and this religious diversity had created a kind of rivalry and enmity between them. After the British conquest of the Punjab in 1849, the ground for the rise of social currents became more prepared. Muslims' confrontation with British colonialism was initially conservative and cautious; As Shah Waliullah Dehlavi (1703-1762 AD), the great Islamic thinker and thinker in the eighteenth century, was more aware of the danger of Hindus and Sikhs against Muslims than the British; But his son Abdul Aziz (1749-1824 AD) realized the danger of British domination over India and issued a fatwa calling for a Muslim uprising against Britain (Peters, 1365: 69). The result of these uprisings was the importance of the need for unity between Muslims and Hindus against the British. Which showed its size in the uprising of 1857 AD. (Masoudnia and Najafi, 1390: 98) The Muslims played a greater role than the Hindus in the 1857 uprising because they ruled the country for years through the Mongol Mongol government and considered themselves the owners of India. The uprising was a kind of attempt to restore the golden age of Muslim Mongol rule in India. The defeat of the uprising brought about a change in the leadership of the Muslims, the most important manifestation of which was the entry of modern Muslim thinkers and religious intellectuals (including Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan Hindi, Mir Taghi Mir, Mirza Ghalib, Mirza Abu Talib, known in London) into the field of political leadership from On the one hand (Ashraf, 1982: 188-217) and the formation of deviant sects on the other. One of these sects is the Qadianiyya, which was founded in 1889 in the Indian subcontinent of Punjab by Mirza Gholam Ahmad Qadiani (Alizadeh and Jahanjouyan, 2014: 127) and raised the issue of the continuation of prophecy. Hence, a better understanding of Qadianiyya's thoughts and developments is directly related to the developments of Punjab in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This article deals with the opposition of the Islamic Revolutionary Assembly (as defenders of the idea of ​​the end of prophecy) to the thinking of the Qadianis as a key element in raising the issue of the continuation of prophecy to explore the hidden angles of the idea of ​​the continuation of prophecy with the theory of preservation of the end of prophecy.

Using the main texts and sources, the present article seeks to clarify the unspoken aspects of the motives of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in the anti-Qadiani movements in a descriptive-analytical manner. Therefore, in organizing the article, first the importance of the Punjab region and the ideological foundations of the Qadiani sect and then the formation of the Islamic Ahrar Assembly and its ideological foundations and the leadership of anti-Qadiani movements including the 1952 uprising, Jamaat-e-Islami and the anti-Qadiani propaganda branch were examined. The end of the activities of the Ahrar Parliament has been announced.

The Qadianiya sect was founded in 1889 by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani in Punjab. (Zafarullah Khan,7) According to him, Khatamiyyah was reserved only for the Shari'a prophets and the bearers of Shari'a. (Freeland, p.148-157) And the emphasis was on the issue of preserving the prophecy of the end of several movements. Anti-Qadiani riots intensified in 1952. Lahore and Punjab were the center of anti-Qadiani riots, and their main organizers were the Ahrar group, which was also supported by a large number of scholars. (Shahran, p. 80) The protesters demanded the removal of Zafarullah Khan from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the introduction of the Qadianis as a non-Muslim minority in Pakistan. (Pirzada, p.21; Nasr, p.134) Popular currents, especially in the Punjab, had joined the anti-Qadiani movement, and the ulema, although never forgetting the ideals of Islamic law; But under the influence of the mass tendencies and the Ahrar party, they used their power and influence in the service of the anti-Qadiani movement. When the Islamist forces' confrontation with the government over the Qadiani issue was completed, Jamaat-e-Islami and Mawdudi were forced to join. (Bahadur, p.68,136) But in the end this mass movement subsided with a decisive reaction from the government. In March 1953, Defense Minister Iskander Mirza established martial law in the Punjab cities, and the leaders of the Ahrar and Jamaat-e-Islami, including Mawdudi, were arrested. (Nasr, p. 137) Although Ahrar did not succeed in ending the Qadiani movement during his lifetime, the reflection of anti-Qadiani movements was manifested during the prime ministership of Zia-ul-Haq. This institution strongly influenced the Muslims so that the Muslims of Pakistan mobilized against the Qadianis. As a result of the Pakistani government in 1974, Mirza Nasser Ahmad, the third caliph of the Qadianis, was summoned to parliament and the Qadianis were questioned so that the Qadianis became a religious minority.

Throughout the history of the Indian subcontinent, the Punjab region was the largest site of intellectual and ideological turmoil, paving the way for the formation of the Qadiani sect. Mirza Gholam Ahmad Qadiani, the founder of Qadianiyeh, claimed that the saints are the real successors of the prophets, claiming that the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) was the successor. He emphasized that the society was largely corrupt and that it was necessary for prophets to come again to reform, and he called himself the century again. This provoked a reaction from Muslims. The most important institution that was formed against Qadianiyya was the Islamic Revolutionary Assembly, which believed in preserving the end of prophecy against Qadianiyya. The Ahrar Islamic Assembly was a Muslim political party founded in 1929. From its inception, the party had anti-imperialist, anti-feudal ideologies and nationalist interests. The strategy of the Ahrar Islamic Assembly was based on mobilizing the Muslim masses to create a movement on issues that would affect the future of India or Indian Muslims. Ahrar was ideologically influenced by the Deoband Academy of Sciences, which aimed to present a sincere version of Islam. As Ahl al-Ahrar approached the Jamaat-e-Islami, it organized anti-Qadiani movements by publishing works and writings, including the book The Problem of Qadiani by Mawdudi. But in the end, this mass movement, of which Punjab was the source and center, subsided with a decisive reaction from the government. In March 1953, Defense Minister Iskander Mirza established martial law in the Punjab cities, and the leaders of the Ahrar and Jamaat-e-Islami, including Mawdudi, were arrested. Although Ahrar did not succeed in ending the Qadiani movement during his lifetime, the reflection of anti-Qadiani movements was manifested during Zia-ul-Haq's presidency. This institution strongly influenced the Muslims so that the Muslims of Pakistan mobilized against the Qadianis. As a result of the Pakistani government in 1974, Mirza Nasser Ahmad, the third caliph of the Qadianis, was summoned to parliament to investigate the Qadianis' beliefs, so that the Qadianis became a religious minority and the main goal of the Ahrar Assembly was to preserve the end of prophecy (for several years). After the dissolution of this institution) was achieved. Under such circumstances, the Qadiani sect lost its freedom of action and came under pressure from the Muslims of Punjab, refraining from political and social activities; As it lost its influence on the Muslims of this region.These movements included the Qadianis as religious minorities, but also pressured Pakistani governments to work for the Islamization of Pakistan and shifted the approaches of Pakistani politicians to Islamic approaches. In other words, the struggle against the activities of the extremist and deviant sect of Qadiani provided an achievement for the Islamic awakening; As the jurisprudential and doctrinal deviations were prevented and added to the knowledge of extremist sects and false claims of prophethood and salvation and led to the unity of Muslim practice in the doctrinal and political fields in Pakistan.