پژوهشنامه رسانه بین الملل
سال ششم شماره 1 (پیاپی 7، بهار و تابستان 1400)

US sanctions have affected Iranians' medicine, treatment and health. Therefore, the study of the dimensions of international human rights violations in creating medicine restrictions in Iran is important from the perspective of human rights rules and international obligations. Accordingly, this article answers questions such as the international legal legitimacy of medicine restrictions in Iran and the dimensions of international human rights violations in creating these restrictions. The research method in examining the rules of international human rights, reports of human rights organizations and the American international media has been descriptive-analytical. The results show that US sanctions against Iran have had a significant negative impact on Iranians' right to access medicine, treatment and medical equipment, as well as their right to health, especially in the fight against Coronavirus disease. Reports from US think tanks and international media also confirm the role of US sanctions in restricting medicine in Iran and disrupting the delivery of drugs and medical equipment to Iran, all of which indicate Washington's drug terrorism against Tehran.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia in 2020 led to the second Nagorno- Karabakh war. Baku was able to win the war, albeit incompletely but quickly, in the form of a project prepared by Turkey and the Zionist regime. This study, using the theoretical framework of "aggressive geopolitics", while studying Baku's goals in the Nagorno- Karabakh war project, seeks to study the geopolitical consequences of this war and the media proposals for the IRIB's world service media to enlighten public opinion. The descriptive-analytical method has been used to achieve these goals. The results of the article show that the Republic of Azerbaijan, in addition to the liberation of its occupied territories outside Nagorno- Karabakh, has pursued the achievement of geostrategic expansionism goals in line with the interests of Ankara and Tel Aviv. Although the country achieved some of its goals, but the geopolitical games formed after the 44-day war continue in line with the goals of Turkey and the Zionist regime. This situation obscures the prospect of lasting peace in the Caucasus region.

The use of biological weapons by the great powers has a long history. The United States, as one of the world's leading producers of biological weapons, poses a great threat to the future of human health by expanding its laboratory program around the world. So, the question is, what are the solutions to the crises caused by the biologically destructive behavior of the United States? Accordingly, in this article, the role of international organizations, the capacities of international law as well as the media to attract global attention and legal action against these destructive behaviors have been studied by descriptive-analytical method. The results show that US overseas biological laboratories are active in Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Georgia, Armenia, South Korea, Colombia, Indonesia, Senegal and some African countries. These activities violate the principles of international law related to environmental activities and are in conflict with the international responsibility of states. Media tools in the modern world can persuade social actors and civil society organizations, legal entities and international organizations to deal with offending governments by raising public awareness and increasing demand. Media independent of the domination system, including Iran's foreign media, can play an effective explanatory role in mobilizing public opinion against biological pollution and the secret plans of the violating states, especially the United States and its consequences.

Recent trends in world wars show that technology has become an integral part of these wars. In this regard, one of the aspects of military power can be considered as the ability to produce or acquire superior UAV technologies. The Saudi coalition war against Yemen is no exception. The air superiority of the coalition forces at the beginning of the war was partly covered by the increase in Ansarullah's drone capability; It can be said that the trend of the war has changed significantly since the end of 2018 with the increase of Ansarullah offensive power with the focus on UAV technology. Regarding to this issue, the question arises that what are the dimensions of the Yemeni Ansarullah drone defense attacks in the field and politics? And what impact will it have on the future of regional equations, particularly on Saudi-Yemeni relations? The research has been done by descriptive-analytical method. The findings of the article show that the use of this technology has strengthened the Political situation and position of Ansarullah in the negotiations. On the other hand, with the support of this position, Ansarullah's power in the field of media has also increased to enlighten public opinion.

Donald Trump's campaign rhetoric and his performances during his presidency were widely reflected among American elite and media. On this basis, the main question is, from the perspective of the American academic and media elites, what impacts have Trump's actions and decisions in U.S. domestic and foreign policies had on the country's society and international relations? The research method is descriptive-analytical. The findings show that the views of elites have been largely negative. Important components of elite views in the media about the consequences of Trump's presidential policies are: Isolationism in the world, escalation of racism inside the United States, escalation of the cultural generation gap, death of the American dream, escalation of inhumane and human rights measures, increase in anti-health and anti-health measures, escalation of mismanagement in the administration of the country, and weakening of democracy in America. In sum, it can be said that the Trump administration's actions in all domestic and foreign spheres have created a kind of restructuring in the U.S. political regime, and as a result, due to the lack of internal cohesion of bipartisan forces and political elites, this deconstruction has led to a kind of decline, turmoil in governance and chaos in the traditional structure.

In today's diverse and pervasive media, the issue of women is very important and covers a significant part of media contents. The media, such as the BBC Persian, have also paid more attention to various issues in the field of women, especially Iranian women, in recent years. The main question is what are the feminist tendencies in the BBC Persian media texts about Iranian women? The research method is qualitative content analysis with a layered semiotic approach. The sample size includes texts published on the BBC Persian website in the period March 21, 2018 to September 21, 2020 in which "Iranian women" has been the main and prominent topic of discussion. The number of these texts that have been selected by purposive sampling is 65. The result of the analysis shows that, despite the diversity of the subject, these texts, like interconnected layers, have formed a syntext containing the main words and symbols. Articulating these issues within the framework of the four main approaches of feminism (liberal, Marxist, socialist and radical), BBC Persian tries to represent and induce an unrealistic and integrated picture of the patriarchal atmosphere of today's Iran and the unfavorable conditions of Iranian women.

Contrary to the Western-Zionist media portrayal of the democratic structure of the Israeli regime, the Israeli society has become modern by collecting Jews in the waves of migration, especially during its first four decades from all over the world to occupied Palestine. The questions of the article is what are the ethnic-religious groups in the Zionist regime and what is their role in the social and governmental structure of the regime? The research method is descriptive-analytical and its theoretical framework is the theory of intercultural relations. According to the findings, Israeli society can be divided into several ethnic and religious groups, including secular Ashkenazi, religious Zionist Jews, and Sephardic religious Jews, Ashkenazi religious Jews, emaciated Jewish immigrants, Falash Jewish immigrants, and Ashgabat-dwelling Palestinians. In this society, secular and religious Zionists have the highest socio-political positions, while Palestinians of 1948 and the Jews of Falash have the lowest socio-political advantages. The failure to integrate or assimilate culturally indicates the failure of the idea of ​​a melting pot and intercultural communication in Zionist society. Indeed, the deepening of religious and racial gaps has exacerbated the prospect of the regime's decline.

The role of the media in how the war is portrayed is important. This importance is compounded by the intersection of the role of the international media in international wars and in the context of postmodernism. Because the media is a buffer between the audience and the field of events. Jean Baudrillard is a leading theorist in this field and refers to it as hyperreality. Accordingly, this article seeks to answer this key question: How can the performance of the media on the eve of the US military invasion of Iraq be explained in light of Baudrillard's postmodern approach? In response to this question, a descriptive-analytical method has been used. According to the research results, in the postmodernist approach, political realities such as war are considered as something constructed, so that this reality develops according to different circumstances and the media becomes very important as an arena for representing political reality. Accordingly, US actions in both the pre- and post-war periods have been evaluated. Pre-war US psychological actions include depicting and magnifying the Iraq threat, mobilizing hatred against the enemy (Iraq), conducting propaganda-psychological warfare against Iraq, and engaging public opinion with symbolic action. US psychological and propaganda operations during the war include the quantity and quality of forces and weapons on both sides, the goals of military leadership on both sides, and the surprise.

Today, Europe's Muslims, as the largest religious minority, have become an undeniable fact. However, factors such as the strengthening of far-right tendencies in Europe, the formation and re-emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan, and recent developments in the West Asia region centered on ISIL takfiri terrorism have provided a fertile ground for intensifying Islamophobia in the West. Accordingly, this article studies the aggravating factors of Islamophobia in Europe, how the Muslim media is represented and its consequences for the Muslim minority in European societies, based on theoretical approaches of Orientalism (Edward Said) and the Clash of Civilizations (Huntington) through descriptive-analytical method. The findings of the article show how the media coverage and coverage of Islam and Muslims in European societies intensifies the presentation of a distorted, irrational, violent and frightening image of Islam and Muslims, which is accompanied by forms of "radicalism", "fundamentalism" and "extremism". It has intensified the phenomenon of Islamophobia and anti-Islamism. This has also had consequences such as restricting the behavior and practice of Muslim religious beliefs in European societies.

Cyberspace is universally active. This emerging space connects nations and citizens around the world and strengthens interactions and differences between them. The United States, a pioneer in cyberspace, also promotes its views, interests, and values through cyber diplomacy. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to examine the political-media implications of the Obama administration's "cyber diplomacy" toward Iran. The main question is how US cyber diplomacy during the Obama era influenced Iran's political developments? In this article, using descriptive-analytical method, first, US cyber diplomacy in the Obama era towards Iran and then its political effects on Iranian society are examined. The results show that US cyber diplomacy began in a limited way under George W. Bush, but under Obama it used the full potential of cyber diplomacy such as blogs, Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, browsers, etc. in US public and cyber diplomacy towards Iran. Overall, US cyber-diplomacy has been active in areas such as the post-election unrest of 2009, espionage and cyber-terrorism.

Saudi Arabia is the most important power in the Arab world today. Its foreign policy is clearly dependent on the great powers, especially the United States. At the same time, the United States has always had a special focus on Saudi Arabia in order to implement its policies in the Middle East region and achieve its goals and interests in the region. However, the relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia has not been the same and stable, and has been different in some periods. Accordingly, the main question of article is what will be the consequences of Joe Biden coming to power in the United States on its relations with Saudi Arabia? The research method is descriptive-analytical and the framework is based on neoclassical realism theory. The authors conclude that despite the desire of Saudi Arabia and the United States to continue relations, the Biden government, pursuing a strategy of pressure and interaction towards Riyadh, is trying to expand the sphere of influence of the smaller Persian Gulf states vis a vis Saudi Arabia.

Gender equality, fighting against corruption and gender-blind politics are the signs of political development in developmental societies and one of the most important elements of good governance. By developing the mini-maxi and biased interpretation, however, cognitive bias, gender inequality, and opportunistic behaviors pave the way of rising corruption as one of the main features of bad governance in socio-political life. So, attempting to understand this nexus led to the intersection of benevolent and hostile gender as the epistemological underpinnings of traditional and modern approaches. Contrary to the perception of women as an anti-corruption social force in the cognitive system of the classical media, the gender differences in the corruptibility lead to criticizing the negative correlation between gender and corruption in the modern interpretation of new media. Thus, this paper tries to analyze the influence of women’s political representation on corruption. In other words, how political representation of women and corruption will influence each other? And what is the function of international media in this relationship? Criticizing the linear approach and reverse causality, the main hypothesis focuses on the context-dependency of the relation between gender and corruption. Accordingly, women’s political representation and low corruptibility depend on their positions and platforms. Applying the descriptive-analytical method, this paper will try to test the mentioned hypothesis on micro, meso, and macro levels. The findings show that the presence of women in political life and low corruptibility is not necessarily an absolute causal theorem. Meanwhile, the international media, including Iran's foreign media (IRIB World Service media), with functions such as monitoring and education, can intelligently pay attention to the presence of women in political life, while legitimizing them as new social forces in the target communities, dispel the accusation of gender discrimination in the media.