مجله جامعه شناسی سیاسی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 18 (بهار و تابستان 1400)

Islam is one of the religions that are based on fixed and sacred texts. It is natural that political systems derived from the school of Islam are also formed on the basis of the interpretation of sacred texts. The question of this article is what is the interpretation of the religious texts of the Islamic Republic of Iran. And what is the difference between this interpretation and other religious governments derived from Islam? To answer this question, Skinner's hermeneutics has been used to pay attention to both the political context and the intent of the author Vanity, as well as to the ideological change necessary for the formation of a new political system.Religious texts and traditions emphasized in the Islamic Republic, the changes brought about by the change of interpretation of some verses, the place of power building in this change, the role of jurists and scholars in this field are among the concerns that have been tried with the help of hermeneutic experts. Focus on the context of Skinner's hermeneutics.Religious texts appear to have been used to reinforce and consolidate the new ideology, various religious ceremonies as a symbol of normative change, with the formation of the Islamic Republic and the support of the power structure necessary to expand the expression of Ahl al-Bayt's virtues. Conventional usedThe position of the jurists at the top of the pyramid of power over the former Shiite governments has unprecedentedly increased. This process led to the formation of new political ideas and identities.

The Muslim Brotherhood movement is the most important movement claiming political Islam in the Sunni world. This movement, centered in Egypt, has many branches in Islamic and Arab countries. The Muslim Brotherhood, which is the most ideologically cohesive movement among the Islamist movements in the Arab world, has always formed its ideals and ideologies by believing in political Islam. The ideological principles of the Muslim Brotherhood must be found in the thoughts of its founder, Hassan al-Banna. Over time and under environmental conditions, this movement has made changes in its ideas and principles that distinguish it from the traditional Brotherhood or the Conservative Brotherhood. This development can be followed in two stages. In fact, after the martyrdom of Hassan al-Banna, and specifically since Omar Telsmani, this ideological transformation began in the Brotherhood, and the next stage of this transformation, which was a continuation of the previous path, became concrete after the Brotherhood came to power in Egypt after the 2011 Arab transformations. Given the importance of understanding these approaches and ideological metamorphosis, in this article, using descriptive-analytical method and library tools, seeks to answer the question of how the approaches and ideological developments of the Muslim Brotherhood movement since the martyrdom of Hassan al-Banna until now. And in what areas has it been?The findings of the article show that the Muslim Brotherhood since Omar Telsmani about the nature of government, the type of confrontation with the government, the method of participation in society and political activities in internal sphere.

Parallel with the establishment of the government and the power of the revolutionaries of the Jungle Movement in Gilan, the attention of the revolutionaries and the newly formed government of the October Revolution of 1917 was drawn to them. The Jungle Revolutionary Movement (1296-1299) was challenged by several ideologies and systems of government, but always pursued a change in the authoritarian and old monarchy. The Jungle Movement passed through several ideologies and succeeded in forming the first republican system in Iran, but soon fell. This study examines the question of why and how the first government of the Republic of Iran fell by the Jungle Movement with an explanatory-interpretive approach and with an analytical-explanatory method. The answer hypothesis states that the government of the Jungle Movement led by Mirza Kuchak had reached the riddle of the void government after the formation of the first republic, so it was seriously damaged and fell. Analysis and interaction of two factors make the sensitivity and vulnerability of this transition process meaningful. The present study has concluded that the sensitivity of the Iranian society in the center and in Gilan towards the interim forest government had increased at a high level. At the same time, the government of the forest movement was faced with the mystery of a void government. These conditions coincided with the policy of overthrowing the British government and ended its socio-political life.

This study attempts to ask why moderate political forces allied with radicals in the process of 1979 revolution in Iran. Researchers have cited factors such as "society's united rebellion against the state", "the class coalition", "the weakness of political and state institutions" and "the appeal of the revolutionary leader's discourse." In this research, the authors, in the framework of Richard Snyder's theory, using the qualitative method and the technique of documentary study, examine three independent variables of the king's relationship with the (main) army, the king with the elite, and the system's relations with the major powers as the causes of coalition formation. They have paid. The results show that the patrimonial and brave behavior of the Shah deprived the army of independence, control of its equipment and facilities, dissemination of mistrust, channeling upgrades, and ultimately obedience and devotion to both the soldier and the commander. As a result, the army's surrender and devotion to the Shah, the Shah's stalemate to the elite, and the Shah's devotion to the United States, undermined moderation's desire for intra-disciplinary conflict to form a coalition between the moderates and the redicals for a greater purpose.

The Iranian regional order has a very long history, dating back to the Achaemenid period. The collapse of the Sassanid was the end of the pattern of Iranian regionalism, namely the satrapy. With the formation of the Westphalian order, regional orders emerged in the form of geopolitics. During this period, Iran came under the control of such an order. The Islamic Revolution as emergence and its coincidence with the evolution of the international system from simple to complex-chaotic necessitates a new analytical apparatus for the Iranian regional order that the international relations literature has not addressed and in this field, they are seriously inefficient. Based on this reality, the main research question is based on what are the consequences of the Islamic Revolution on the regional order of Iran? The author tries to provide a convincing answer and a new analytical apparatus in this field by using the theory of complex and chaotic systems and also by applying the abduction method which focuses on explaining emerging facts and finding the best explanation. The author illustrates that network regional order with two characteristics including panarchy and heterarchy is an innovation by the Islamic revolution in the field of Iranian regional order.Keywords

The Arbaeen March is a gathering of millions of people in Iraq, and its population is growing every year. Different nationalities of different races and languages, including Shiites and Sunnis, and even followers of other religions are present at the ceremony. These people with different national, ethnic, individual and social identities with a cohesive and united way participate in this march. What reasons can unite this massive population of millions so that individuals, despite having different individual, national and social identities, all gather under one flag? Have the different dimensions of the Arbaeen walk led to the formation of a collective identity among the marchers? To answer these questions, we did a quantitative research. The survey included 424 randomly selected participants from the event, including Iranians, Iraqis and people from other countries. The findings the Arbaeen March, as a phenomenon derived from the Shiite religion, has a political function as well as a religious manifestation, as the results show, between the political and international dimensions. Arbaeen March and the formation of collective identity There is a significant relationship between the marchers and more than 80% of the respondents believe in the collective identity formed in Arbaeen more than their individual and national identity and consider the march as a factor of unity and convergence of Muslims. . The absence of differences between the rich and the poor, race and nationality, solidarity, unity and Islamic awakening, and being under the banner of Husseini are characteristics of this collective identity.

Upon entering Arab society, freedom faced multifaceted difficulties, one of which was authoritarianism. The Arab rulers and states, although ostensibly distinguishing the institution of religion from the institution of the state; But they used religion as a tool to advance their policies and to derive a different meaning from the concept of freedom. If religion is not an obstacle to freedom; Rather, it is tribal traditions and governments that have historically impeded freedom. The main question of this article is what is the position and meaning of freedom in confronting the government and religion in the Arab society? The initial answer to this question is that the understanding of the meaning of freedom in Arabic political literature is different, and obstacles such as the authority of the state have made the Arab community's ability to develop and expand freedom unstable. To this end, this article seeks to examine the difficulty of the confrontation between freedom, government, and religion in Arab society from the perspective of Abdullah Laroui, a well-known thinker in Morocco, in the twentieth century, using the interpretive method and conceptual framework of the freedom. This study shows that freedom and democracy have not been possible due to historical and ethnic and cultural reasons.

Recognizing the structure and distributing of power is one of the key variables in understanding the pattern of foreign behavior of a state in the international system.The presumption of this research is that, the power structure of the Saudi Arabia as a monarchy system, has a direct effect on the country’s approach in foreign policy.so the structure of power and decision making process in Saudi Arabia and analyzing foreign policy toward Iran is analised within the theoretical frame work on Neo-classical realism.The root of different behaviors to a foreign threats goes back to the formation of the Saudi asymmetric power structure, which since its inception has been based on the king element as the core of power, which always makes government behavior in the foreign arena a function of its status. The internal challenges lead corrosively foreign policy approach to external environment in form of aggressive approach and a player as regional hegemonic power.According to the author hypothesis, the form and structure of Power in Saudi Arabia is a key element in determining balancing strategies and Facilitating the threefold relationship of cooperation, competition and conflict in foreign policy.Hence the main goal of research is responding to key question to what extend the effects of concentrated power structure in Saudi Monarchy system on foreign policy particularly on Islamic Republic of Iran.

The identity policy of the sects in Lebanon has been organized in line with their recognition and respect. The identity of Lebanon is pluralistic, heterogeneous, and contradictory. The polarized identity in Lebanon and the attempt for retaining and increasing the sectarian interest have facilitated the interference of these transnational players. Therefore, Lebanon's state has a pluralistic foreign policy. Each of these sects represents the interests of a foreign state. Lebanon has become fragile due to the overflow of regional issues, the deadlock in the domestic policy, the transnational militias, and extreme sectarianism. Thus, the state cannot act independently in policy making, decision making, and national independence, and the behavior and definition of national interest is a function of such concept for these sects and foreign states. The methodology of these study is analytic-explanatory based on the positivistic approaches. The method of data collection is library research using the published papers and websites. The research question is: 'What is the effect of sectarianism in Lebanon on Lebanon's foreign policy?' And the hypothesis of this study is: 'Sectarianism, dominance of sect identity over national identity, and forming a fragile state in Lebanon have influenced the definition of national interest and the foreign policy orientation, and have caused the state to activate in the international policy arena along with these sects. Therefore, instead of national interest, the sectarian interest is considered.

Threats of terrorist groups after the Islamic Revolution are one of the obstacles to the realization of the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategies in the Islamic world and the surrounding environment. Research literature shows that ISIS, like other terrorist groups such as al-Qaeda, continues to "terror" and "excommunicate" in the field of Islamic Resistance (Iran's environment and defense) for two main reasons: controlling the political Islam of Islamic resistance with extremism and containment and Controlling the goals of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the field of the Islamic world and the West Asian region (the region's top power) until 1404. On the other hand, the threats of ISIL from the western borders against the Islamic Republic of Iran have decreased and this terrorist group has transferred its terrorist-takfiri cells from the western borders of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the neighboring countries of eastern Iran. The findings of this study indicate that the formation of the ISIL government in Afghanistan as one of Iran's eastern neighbors is possible based on the country's geopolitical and field conditions. Although ISIL's ideology is illegitimate and unacceptable in Afghan society, and the terrorist group, like the Taliban, has no social status or historical background in Afghanistan, factors such as ISIL's presence in Afghanistan, Afghanistan's political instability, and its ability to ally with other takfiri groups makes it possible for ISIS to establish a state in Afghanistan. Ultimately

This study aims to investigate the changes in The Right/Conservative Faction in the period of 1988-2015 in Iran. The findings show that the environmental incentive of election competition has been the main incentive for changes in The Right/Conservative Faction organization. The findings also revealed that the main outputs of these changes in the period of 1988-2015 include: organizational tactic with three contents of The Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran (The Etelaf-e Abadgaran-e Iran-e Eslami), The United Front of Principlists (The Jebha-e Muttahid-e Osulgarayan) and The Principlists Grand Coalition (The Etelaf-e Bozorg-e Osulgarayan), organizational unit with two contents of The Executives of Construction Party (The Hezb-e Kargozaran-e Sazandegi) and The Front of Islamic Revolution Stability (The Jebha-ye Paydari-e Enghelab-e Eslami) and organizational identity with content of principalis (The Osulgarayee). The results suggested that, change in organizational social context of The Right/Conservative Faction has been effective as an intra-organizational factor in the occurrence of these changes. This variable with indicators such as age (entry of young forces into the organizational structure), education (seminary or university), political background (revolutionary struggles), class dignity (degree of dependence on the clergy) and the attitude of right-wing elites to political activity (degree Belief in organizational work) as an intra-organizational factor has been instrumental in bringing about these changes.