فصلنامه مطالعات روابط بین الملل
پیاپی 56 (زمستان 1400)

Given the sensitivity of developments in Syria and the implementation of the intentions of other countries in this environment, including Russia and Turkey, in addition to the areas of threat and opportunity in relations with each other can also affect the strategic considerations of the two countries. Russia and Turkey have always had common interests in the field of geoeconomics and conflicting interests in the field of geopolitics, which has led to the formation of common and conflicting interests in relations between the two countries. Russia and Turkey went so far in the Syrian crisis that there was a possibility of a direct confrontation between the two countries, but the two countries avoided a possible conflict due to strategic considerations. The purpose of this study is the impact of the Syrian crisis on Turkey's strategic considerations towards Russia. This study raises the question of what effect has the Syrian crisis had on Turkey's strategic considerations towards Russia? Descriptively-analytically, it assesses the hypothesis that: The Syrian crisis, by exposing Turkey's vulnerability to Russia's response, shifted Ankara's strategic considerations from aggressive realism to contingent realism in its relations with Moscow, replacing cooperation with confrontation. The research findings prove this point.

The Terrorist attacks of 9/11 brought about a Fundamental change in US foreign policy. To pinpoint this Phenomenon, American officials blamed the lack of democracy and lasting peace in depressed societies for the violence and terrorist movements. The main question of the present study is what were the American peace-building strategies from the time of George w. Bush to the era of neo-Hamiltonism, Biden tenure in Afghanistan in order to establish lasting peace, security and Expanding Democracy? The research hypothesis points out that US activism in Afghanistan to bring peace is rooted in the pursuit of trans-regional interests and the implementation of American globalization. Basically, attention to the issue and approach to peace-building in Afghanistan in the perceptual-practical apparatus of the united states in order to create a stable country in peace and democracy, a policy that somehow to keep the internal currents in Afghanistan away from relations. Has and does not pay attentions to the internal structure of Afghanistan, so the process of sustainable peace-building has not been successful and has not led to positive results. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on the concept of democratic peace/ peace-building. The findings show that white House governments from the time of neo-conservatives under Bush(son) to the era of so-called neo-hamiltonism (joe Biden) have consolidated their peace-building strategies to secure their interests in the trans-regional dimension, as well as their presence. Has always used worry-free to focus on regional competitors such as china and Russia.

Turkey's nuclear activities in recent decades, including the 2010 agreement with Russia and the 2013 agreement with Japan to build and operate a 9,600-megawatt nuclear power plant, has changed discussion of the peaceful nature or focus of these activities on achieving nuclear weapons capability into one of the important security issues in the field of international relations. Whether to what The extent Turkey can achieve the capability of producing nuclear weapons is a question that the present article, based on historical research techniques and invoke on valid resources, has evaluated its answer. The findings of the study indicate that due to conflicting views within Turkey, the country's limited technological capacity in the field of nuclear technology, lack of cooperation of international partners, opposition of major world powers and finally obstacles of the existing legal and international regime. Turkey does not seem likely to be able to produce nuclear weapons in the foreseeable future

Tehran-Baghdad economic relations in the post-ISIS period, by some social and identity challenges Like Arab and non-Arab issues, Shiite-Sunni challenges in the Sunni regions, the existence of Iranophobic ideas, differences in economic lifestyle, vulnerability Has been encountered. Therefore, given the importance of Iraq among the economic partners of Iran, reducing these challenges is very important for maintaining and developing economic relations between Iran and Iraq. Meanwhile, public diplomacy, which plays an important role in reducing identity gaps with foreign audiences, has been used mainly by Tehran to strengthen political and cultural relations with Iraq. Therefore, this study sought to answer the question, "What role does public diplomacy play in the iran's economic relations with Iraq?"Findings show that regulating the public diplomacy of Iran towards Iraq, In proportion to the existing social and identity challenges in the path of bilateral economic cooperations, Will have a positive impact on maintaining and developing bilateral interactions in this area. Accordingly, the preservation and development of Tehran-Baghdad economic relations by reducing different ideas and subsequently strengthening the common economic, cultural and political identity, by influencing the identity of the elites and the economic system of Iraq, Managing different business ethics and influencing the tastes of Iraqi consumers, reducing the effects of ethnic, religious and historical challenges on economic interactions, reducing the consequences of Iranophobia of rival countries on economic and trade activities, is including the results of public diplomacy to development of economic relations.This research is a qualitative research and the research method is descriptive-analytical.

Following the Arab revolutions of 2011 and the formation of new arrangements in the political and security equations of the Middle East, Russia tried to pursue a balanced policy towards Islamic countries while avoiding tensions with them. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the factors affecting Russia's foreign policy towards the Islamic world after the Arab revolutions of 2011 and to answer the question: What are the main components of Russia's foreign policy towards the Islamic world, especially in relation to Countries of the Middle East region? The main hypothesis that has been tested is Russia's foreign policy towards the Islamic world, especially after the Arab revolutions in the Middle East, to fight religious fundamentalism, to avoid entering the Shiite-Sunni religious divide, and to try to improve Russia's image. Among Sunni Islamic societies, religion has taken root. In the present paper, a descriptive-analytical method and in the form of a theoretical framework of constructivism, a relatively different analysis of the nature of Russia's relations with the Islamic world in the period after the Arab revolutions in 2011-2020 was presented.

Due to its geopolitical and geostrategic position, the Western Balkans region has been of special importance to important and influential actors in various dimensions, and has always been the target of all regional and global powers and the place of the conflict of interests. The Republic of Serbia, as the most important and largest republic of the Western Balkans, in order to achieve its strategic goal of joining the European Union, despite the conflicting interests of regional and international actors, to reform its economic infrastructure and better comply with EU standards He has joined this union. The present study seeks to analyze and explain the process of accession of the Republic of Serbia to the European Union, and to examine and evaluate the economic behavior pattern governing its foreign policy in the process of European integration. Accordingly, the question is what is the process of Serbia's accession to the European Union and the Euro-Atlantic structures, and what effect do the economic conditions and economic behavior of Serbian foreign policy have on this process? This study, in response to the main question, seeks to test the hypothesis that after the collapse of Yugoslavia, the Republic of Serbia, as the most important inheritor of crises and the weak economic structures left by it, in recent years has tried to use a development-based behavior model. Take steps towards the Stability and Cooperation Process (SAA) in order to adapt and harmonize itself with the standards defined by the European Union.

In developed societies, a multi-party system is considered more rational than a two-party system because of the possibility of pursuing diverse interests. Nevertheless, the two-party structure in the United Kingdom has long been such that it is difficult to imagine the emergence and continuation of dominant third parties in British politics. Accordingly, the study's central question is how social cleavages over time have led to the formation of a two-party system in the UK and what role will Brexit play in the persistence or change of this long-standing structure? The research hypothesis, using a descriptive-analytical method and the application of Cleavage Theory in the analysis of the stability factors of the UK’s two-party system, emphasizes that social cleavages along with the British political structure with features such as Duverger's law and first-past-the-post voting cause psychological and mechanical effects in the UK general elections. Accordingly, British voters, aware of the above-mentioned electoral rules, ignore the smaller parties and vote for the most desirable option with a chance of winning. This behavior, called strategic voting, explains the tendency of voters to the most powerful parties and, ultimately, the continuation of the Labor-Conservative exclusivism. Furthermore, with the trend analysis approach, it is hypothesized that Brexit will help the continuity of party duopoly in the kingdom by strengthening the concept of the open-closed political spectrum and highlighting social cleavages among the Britons.

The decision-making process in Iran's accession to the Financial Action Task Force is one of the most important issues in Iran's foreign policy and raises the question of what approach the decision-making process in Iran's accession to the Financial Action Task Force from the perspective of the brokerage structure. Can the elements be explained? In response, contradictory analyzes have been performed based on two approaches of structure and agent. Each of these approaches has analyzed this issue based on its own perspective, which due to a one-dimensional view of these approaches, has not provided a complete answer. From the perspective of futurology, if the prospect of Iran's accession to this institution is subject to the mere will of the structure and absolute adherence of the Iranian agent, Iran's accession to this institution will have consequences and pressure for Iran. In contrast, Iran's non-accession to From the perspective of the broker's approach, this institution will undoubtedly intensify Iran's economic passivity and isolation. However, the decision to join this institution in the framework of the interaction of the broker structure will lead to a favorable agreement for mutual benefits and the structure and broker.An important issue in Iran's foreign policy should be studied based on the approach of broker structure interaction. The premise of this paper is that the decision-making process in Iran's accession to the Special Group can be evaluated in the framework of the structure-agent interaction approach from a constructivist perspective based on the effectiveness of the international structure