پژوهشنامه رسانه بین الملل
سال ششم شماره 2 (پیاپی 8، پاییز و زمستان 1400)

The naval blockade, which as a method of warfare has been influenced by the development of new technologies, has led to legal challenges and changes in its method and scope. In addition, the use of naval blockade by the Saudi coalition in the war against Yemen shows that this is one of the most effective methods of warfare. The purpose of this article is to study the violation of the rules of naval siege and international humanitarian law in Yemen by Saudi forces, as well as to examine the approach of the Saudi and foreign media in representing the violation of these rules. Therefore, in this article, the author tries to answer the questions of the extent to which the legal rules governing the naval blockade have been observed by the Saudi coalition in the Yemeni war. What has been the approach of the Saudi coalition representing the naval blockade of Yemen in the media? The research method is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library-documentary. The findings show that the rules governing the naval blockade and humanitarian law have been violated by the Saudi coalition in its war against Yemen. Although the Saudi media has tried to downplay the violations of the illegal blockade, the foreign media has tried to cover these violations to some extent. Finally, suggestions have been made to the foreign media to represent the naval siege of Yemen.

With the beginning of the eighth year of the Saudi coalition imposing war on the Yemeni people, the facts on the ground indicate that the Zionist regime is increasingly intervening and plotting in favor of the coalition. In this article, an attempt has been made to examine the causes and dimensions of the Zionist regime's intervention and planning in the Yemeni crisis, and to assess the compatibility of the activities of the pro-Yemeni media in this crisis with the volume of Zionist regime hostile movements. Accordingly, the main purpose of this article is to explain the reasons and document of the Zionist regime's interventions in the Yemeni war and to study the adequacy of the activities of the resistance-oriented media and the media in line with the volume of Zionist regime's interventions in this crisis. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and its theoretical framework is threat balance. The findings of the article indicate that the Zionist regime's interventions in Yemen can be classified into military-technical, educational, espionage and political-propaganda forms. As usual, this regime is trying to leave less of a mark in Yemen while intervening and exploiting this crisis to confront Iran and the axis of resistance. At the end of the article, media solutions to improve the media activities of the radio's foreign networks are presented in the reflection of this war.

The idea of a country brand means assigning a specific name or symbol that is intended to differentiate a country from other countries. Creating a national brand can be used in the long-term goals of the public diplomacy and in the national interest of the country. In addition to domestic and foreign policies, the people, cultural heritage, tourism and export brand of a country, the national brand can also be created through the media and offered internationally.  The media diplomacy, as a new field in public diplomacy, can play an effective role in building a country's national brand. Using qualitative content analysis method, 107 news items from Al-Alam website and 80 news items from Press TV have been analyzed in this study. Findings show that Iran’s national brand in media diplomacy reflected in foreign TV channels consists of an image of a country with independence, internal security and military, having international institutions, in opposition to the United States and an economy reliant on natural resources. A noteworthy point in the image of the Iranian national brand is the lack of attention to important components such as tourism, cultural heritage, national elites, culture and investment.

In recent years, news about Iran's nuclear energy has always been one of the most important news in the media around the world. The signing of the Borjam agreement and a year after the signing of this agreement, the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from it and the subsequent action of Iran to reduce its Borjam obligations, became an important subject for the media. In this article, we have analyzed the news coverage related to the reduction of Iran's obligations under the Persian news sites Al-Arabiya and Persian BBC.We have used the method of discourse analysis with Wendike approach. The period of time that we have studied and examined in this article, started on Wednesday, May 7, 2017 and continues until November 11, 2017. In this period, we selected 8 news out of 141 news published in Al-Arabiya Farsi and 7 news out of 122 news published in BBC Persian.The results of this study show that the Persian BBC introduces the US withdrawal from Borjam as Trump's personal decision and represents Iran as the main violator of Borjam. Al-Arabiya Persian identifies Iran as a source of insecurity in the region and an important threat to the international community, and promotes a discourse of Iranophobia.

After the Islamic Revolution, Iran has always been under sanction and intense pressure in the arena of international relations, especially from an economic point of view. Resistant economic discourse in the field of international communication can be instrumental by utilizing the potential of social media. In the present study an attempt is made to provide a strategic model for the resistance economy discourse based on social media in the field of international communication. This research is an applied-developmental in terms of purpose and a descriptive cross-sectional in terms of data collection method. The statistical population of the qualitative section includes university professors, members of the Islamic Consultative Assembly and managers of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance; selected by purposive sampling method and achieved theoretical saturation by 17 people. In a quantitative part, the views of 130 experts were used. To collect data, semi-structured interview and questionnaire were used. The underlying categories of the discourse model of resistance economics in the field of international communication were identified by content analysis method and MaxQDA 20 software. In the quantitative part, the partial least squares method and Smart PLS software were used to validate the pattern. Findings showed that infrastructural factors affect the nature and legal factors of resistance economics discourse in the international arena. These factors also affect psychological and security factors and furthermore influence the content factors in social media. Also, social cultural and ultimately economic factors can be influenced on the international arena by using the content produced on social media.

The conflict between the Republics of Azerbaijan and Armenia over the Nagorno-Karabakh region has once again become the focus of global attention with the beginning of the second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020. The Baku government gained fields of achievement and began liberating seven districts around the Nagorno-Karabakh region. In this research, based on theories of “Highlighting and Gatekeeping”, while understanding the intellectual tendencies and orientations, how the Second Karabakh war was reflected in Keyhan, Etemad and Ettelaat newspapers were studied by quantitative content analysis. Accordingly, all 173 articles published between (September 28 to November 11, 2020) in these three newspapers were reviewed. The results of the article show that the topics of the end of the Nagorno-Karabakh war, realization of lasting peace and security, and the effect of conflict on Iran's national interests are among the prominent noticeable points of this research. According to our research, most of the content of the second Nagorno-Karabakh war was presented to the audience in the style of “interviews and conversations & reports”, and the news events of this war were more important than the processes.

Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two important poles in West Asia, have undergone a process of convergence and divergence in their relations. The geopolitical weight of the two countries in the region and their potential role in resolving conflicts is such that each of the two countries has always been selected as a strategic actor in major projects of global actorsAccordingly, the purpose of this article is to analyze the convergent and divergent factors in the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia and the impact of these factors on the foreign policy of the US government towards Iran. The research method is descriptive-analytical. The results of the research indicate that the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have been based on confrontation and cooperation. A relationship whose mechanisms are linked to geopolitical conflicts, proxy wars, oil wars, and regional alliances; Accordingly, with the common threats and capabilities of the two countries and the "utilitarian" and "interventionist" strategy of the US government in the internal affairs of West Asia, Iran and Saudi Arabia are placed on the orbit of facts and geographical, cultural and economic commonalities by strengthening " Neighborhood Policy "Through public diplomacy and media diplomacy, the convergence of the two countries is an inevitable necessity.

Nuclear technology, in addition to its military and deterrent applications, has the potential to be used peacefully for the right of countries to development, and this possibility has been the focus of many jurists for many years. The present article, using a descriptive-analytical method and using library and documentary sources and using what has been reflected in the international media, seeks to examine the major issue that the use of countries in the international community, Especially in Iranian society, how can peaceful nuclear energy in line with the right to development be assessed in accordance with international law? In answer to this question, the hypothesis is that as long as a clear rule of international law does not deprive governments of the right to develop technology and peaceful nuclear knowledge, development in its entirety, including in the field of nuclear technology, is not only prohibited. It could not, but it could be in line with the right to development and human rights, as well as under general international law. Foreign media can also make this a global demand, especially for developing countries like Iran, from international institutions, major powers, and nuclear club owners in the international community.

On June 5, 2017, opposition to the boycott of the Palestinian-Brotherhood Hamas and Hezbollah sparked tensions between Qatar and Saudi Arabia, following the publication of remarks by the Emir of Qatar on Al Jazeera's website about Iran's positive role in the region. Qatar's non-retreat from its positions exacerbated the crisis and eventually led to the severance of diplomatic relations between the two countries and the siege of Qatar by Saudi Arabia. This study aims to understand the media policy of Saudi Arabia regarding Qatar during the crisis and siege (2017-2021). To achieve this goal, Saudi Arabia's media policy from 2017 to 2021 has been studied using the qualitative content analysis method. For this purpose, the content of the websites of Al-Arabiya networks, the Twitter accounts of the Saudi Minister of Information and A'iz Al-Qarni and Al-Arifi as well-known claims of Saudi Arabia, the websites of Al-Hayah and Al-Okaz newspapers were examined as a statistical sample in the period 2017 to 2021. The findings of this study show that the Saudi media, following the policy and policy of Muhammad bin Salman's political system and using various propaganda techniques such as testimony, lies, repetition and assassination, widely assassinated the Emir of Qatar, religious and political justification of the siege. They have adopted the country and the introduction of Doha as a sponsor of terrorism.

The Non-Aligned Movement emerged in the tension of the Cold War and the rivalry between the Eastern and Western blocs, with the aim of gaining independence from the superpowers and fighting colonialism and the economic development of third world countries. This movement owns a variety of economic, political and communicational capacities to help the members at the international level, which would be easier and faster to achieve using the media capabilities of it. According to the theory of Neo-liberal Institutionalism, the capacity of international organizations and regimes can be used to establish good relations between states. Considering the economic capabilities and financial exchanges and media-communication capacity, this movement can overcome its inefficiencies and challenges and create a strong alliance of developing countries and ensure the interests of its members. The main question of this research is: What practical capacities, including media and political-economic capabilities does Non-Aligned Movement have to ensure and strengthen the relationship between members? the research method is descriptive-analytical, besides using the semi-structured interview with the professors and experts of Media and International Relations. The most important media-communication strategies include cooperation within the Movement in international institutions such as UNESCO and the World Telecommunication Union, cooperation in creating joint media to counter the imperialist media flow, and using the joint media to influence the world economic, political and security streams.

The growing role of international immigrants and the growing influence of public and private systems have given these emerging actors in international relations a greater capacity to influence. Among the diverse range of far-flung communities, diasporas are among the most influential actors in influencing domestic politics and also play important roles in various fields of international affairs, especially in the field of cultural exchanges. This article seeks to answer the key questions: "What are the characteristics and importance of the Iranian diaspora, what effect can it have on the development of Iran's relations with other countries?" And in this area, how can the foreign networks of IRIB use the capacities of these communities in advancing the goals of national development? The findings of this study, which is done with a descriptive-analytical qualitative approach and with the study of documents and libraries, show that in recent decades, these communities far from home with a growing trend in four basic policy areas. That is, they have been politically-security, socio-cultural, economic and scientific-technical influential. Iranian diaspora communities have significant capacities that can be used to solve Iran's problems in various ways. Iran's foreign media can play an effective role in these areas by adopting various strategies and operationalizing relations with Iranian communities abroad.

One of the main features of the early 21st century- specially after 2008 economic crisis -  is declining of US in international system and in the different regions of the world. Considering of US domination in the west Asia region, it is clear that this declining has some consequences on this region. In this manuscript the descriptive-analytical method is applied and the question is that what are the consequences of US declining of hegemony on west Asia region? In this manuscript the hypothesis is that the declining of US hegemony has decreased its regional commitments, simultaneously. The effects of this declining have divided in three national, regional and international parts. In national area the legitimacy crisis and human right problems will restart in dictatorship regimes of this region. In regional level, declining can pave the way for resolving regional discriminations and conflicts and it leads to cooperation among this region states. Finally, in international level, the opportunity for Chain and Russia will increase compare to the past. So, at the end of this manuscript some advices have been mentioned for international media, that can lead to enlightment of publc opinion in west asai.