نشریه پژوهش های روابط بین الملل
سال دوازدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 44، بهار 1401)

Review of management practices in pluralistic societies especially among predominantly immigrant liberal democracies, has led to the emergence of a new policy called multiculturalism. Although the use of multiculturalism in these systems has provided a good platform for management in multiethnic and multicultural societies, but criticisms such as the decline of national cohesion and common identity and the emergence of extremist nationalist groups have been included in it. The main purpose of this paper is to provide a conceptual framework in which the application of the theory of multiculturalism in countries with a political structure of hybrid authoritarianism is illustrated. In this article, by examining the case of Russia and using the concept of hybrid authoritarianism, a combined approach called "instrumental multiculturalism" is presented. According to the findings of this study, it is possible to apply this concept in authoritarian countries or countries with hybrid authoritarian regimes such as Russia. As a result, multiculturalism is more instrumental and both democratic and authoritarian elements are observed. In this research, a deductive method is used and an attempt is made to explain the concept of multiculturalism and hybrid authoritarianism and apply them to Russia, then using the mentioned concepts and a case study to complete these concepts and a new analytical model. It is entitled "Instrumental Multiculturalism in Hybrid Authoritarian Regimes."

With the dominance of complexity on the international system, one of the fundamental issues related to the strategies of actors in complex situations. This study with assuming complexity situation in the international system, tries to investigate the principles and basis of hegemony strategy in complex regions and the Middle East explained as a case study. The result of the present study explained, that the complexity situation, classical foreign policy strategies based on centrality of control has made incapable of responding to complex threats and new strategies based on condition management imposed to actors of international system and the hegemon is trying to take advantage of these strategies in the regions. Thus, with the complexity of existing system and phenomena in the Middle East, the hegemonic control management approach with the control systems based on the conditions of phenomena and strategic multiplicity and tactical diversity of phenomena management has replaced the hegemonic control centrality and top-down control approach, and hegemon uses of these strategies in its complex deterrence system in the Middle East.

Far from the past, Iran has always sought regional hegemony and global acting, and these political goals have been pursued during the Islamic Republic of Iran. The purpose of this paper is by qualitative method and using library and Internet resources, answer this question that whether the military capabilities of the Islamic Republic of Iran have correspond with ideological expectations and military doctrines based on the mentioned political goals? In answer to the main question, the present article examines this hypothesis that Islamic republic of Iran has done well task of the codifications of military doctrine based on political goals; it has learned lessons and found that due to average global military capacity of Iran and less than its ideological expectations, Iran is currently unable to compete against the US military in direct warfare. The best thing that can be expected to achieve political goals is to impose costs on the US actions and the great will beyond the will of this counter to prevent Washington from achieving its goals in a possible war with Iran. The results of the research indicate that Iran has focused on the weaknesses of its enemies in order to shows the cost-benefit calculations of the enemies, undesirable and costly. According to political-military officials and the Iranian people, killing of the American soldiers have serious domestic political consequences for the US president than military fatality for Iran's political leaders, because the Iranian people have grown up in the school of self-sacrifice and martyrdom.

Turkey's developments from 2001 to 2018 have led officials and policymakers who found themselves in turbulent condition of economic crises, recession and accumulation of inflation in Turkey to see themselves trying to rethink principles. Accordingly, the main foundations of Turkish diplomacy changed from a Westernist strategy to a fluid diplomacy strategy based on the economy, and Africa became an integral part of the country's economic diplomacy policy. Turkey's economic diplomacy in Africa can now be regarded as a tool or a goal in the country's foreign policy. The main question of this article is "what are the goals, strategies and results of prioritizing economic diplomacy in Turkey's foreign policy in Africa?" In response to this question, the main hypothesis of this article is that Turkey needs a pragmatic foreign policy in the Ottoman-African civilization to increase its strategic depth. Therefore, a pragmatic view of foreign policy makes Africa the main base of its pragmatism policy. This article seeks to assess Turkey's economic performance in Africa in the post-Akp era led by Erdogan. The research method of this paper is descriptive-analytical considering its nature.

The strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the nuclear case in West Asia is a deterrent and defense strategy that increases the strength of the country's national power, preserves Iran's territorial integrity and national security, and reduces the likelihood of any military aggression against Iran. This article aims to examine the adoption of a deterrent strategy, especially its long-term type for Iran's nuclear program and its impact on West Asia, plays a very important role in expressing the true face of Iran's power and authority in West Asia.In this regard, we seek to answer the question that what are the effects of the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear case on the regional order of West Asia between 2000 and 2020? Using a descriptive-analytical method, it is hypothesized that the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in West Asia, in addition to being based on alliances with pro-Iranian Shiite forces and strengthening the axis of resistance, in the Iranian nuclear file between 2000 and 2020. It has created Iranophobia among West Asian countries and distrust among countries in the region.

Despite numerous concerns from analysts and warnings about the need to reduce its reliance on the sale of fossil fuels, the Islamic Republic of Iran is relying on energy exports. It is a development that immediately has many cultural and social consequences. Such a statement suggests that the need for uninterrupted exports has become a security issue called energy export security. The present study seeks to answer the question that, given the current political and economic conditions, in order to increase the security of the country's international energy markets and increase political-economic achievements, what are the main constraints, requirements and strategies in the field of energy diplomacy? Indicators such as hybrid approach, long-term view of regional energy plans, formation of Deputy Minister of Energy Diplomacy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, avoidance of duplication and application of inter-organizational cooperation and synergy approach in the domestic arena, active technology diplomacy approach, Regional diversification, the extension of the bargaining model, and domestic empowerment are in the microcosm, and there are four major strategies, including an executive approach to overcoming the Central Asian impasse, requiring a regional view, a strategic view of the western borders, and resistance diplomacy. It is suggested that an energy strategy be adopted in the context of sanctions in order to apply energy security diplomacy. The research method is qualitative and also tries to investigate the main issue of the document analysis approach.

The most important goals of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran are stated in the 20-year vision document (Horizon 1404) of the country so that the foreign policy apparatus is obliged to act in accordance with these goals and policies. Given the proximity of the horizon in this policy and the need to evaluate the performance of the last 8 years of Hassan Rouhani's government, this study was conducted to evaluate the foreign policy of the eleventh and twelfth governments in accordance with the vision document of the Islamic Republic of Iran 1404. By adopting a descriptive-analytical method, this research seeks to present an evaluation model, while explaining the foreign policy goals of the 20-year vision document of Iran, the performance of the country's foreign policy apparatus during the years 1392-1400 in relation to the nuclear case and the rise of ISIL. Corona pandemic to examine and evaluate relations with the West and the East and the countries of the region, etc. The results and findings of the study indicate that in the discussion of compliance of the performance of the eleventh and twelfth governments with the 20-year vision document 1404, it can not be conclusively claimed compliance or non-compliance. However, cases of compliance compliance can include: "Relations with the East", "Relations and Confrontation with the United States", "Measures related to the rise of ISIS and international terrorism" and cases of non-compliance include: "Nuclear issue and BRICS",

Foreign policy choices usually range from historical to routine decisions. Political elites may decide to start conflicts, form alliances, reach agreements, make peace with one another, establish diplomatic relations, adopt certain views on nuclear nonproliferation, or enforce sanctions against other players. This study aims to analyze the motivations behind the efforts of the United State in the verbal aspect to prevent the development of Iran’s nuclear program. To this end, it tries to answer the following main question: How has the United States’ verbal strategy for securitization of Iran’s nuclear program evolved and why is this approach so aggressive? The research hypothesis, which is examined using the descriptive-analytical method and the doctrines of security studies in the Copenhagen School, is based on the proposition that the United States’ verbal strategy has maintained its aggressive nature via exaggerating the concern that one of the aspects of Iran’s access to nuclear weapons is achieving regional hegemony, with the aim of providing the US with access to the resources of the Middle East. The results of this study indicate that the leaders of the White House are trying to ensure that the US gains access to the Middle East’s oil, protects Israel and annihilates security threats.

Given the importance of water security and food security and its direct relationship with human rights and human dignity and the impact of climate change on these two issues, the main question is whether the government can be held responsible to the international community for affecting food security and water security through climate change? It seems that governments can use the concept of liability for environmental damage to seek redress for climate change, including the right to adequate food and water. In this paper, with a descriptive and analytical method, after examining the solutions envisaged in international documents to deal with climate change, the challenges of the International Liability Agency due to climate change and solutions to address these challenges are examined. Given the importance of water security and food security and its direct relationship with human rights and human dignity and the impact of climate change on these two issues, the main question is whether the government can be held responsible to the international community for affecting food security and water security through climate change? It seems that governments can use the concept of liability for environmental damage to seek redress for climate change, including the right to adequate food and water. In this paper, with a descriptive and analytical method, after examining the solutions envisaged in international documents to deal with climate change, the challenges of the International Liability Agency due to climate change and solutions to address these challenges are examined.

Territorial divisions (system of states and provinces) have long been one of the long-standing concerns of the rulers of the vast land of Iran and suggest that one of the rich political and administrative legacies of the Iranians has been established in this regard. Meanwhile, the land of Kerman, due to the change of territorial boundaries, governments and political organizations that have ruled it throughout history has been considered one of the most important regions of Iran, and has always been considered as one of the important centers of government. It was managed. The subject of this research is the influential components on the development of Kerman cities from the Seljuk era to the beginning of the Al-Muzaffar period. The question of this article is which of the components (such as ethnicity, power, climate and geography) have the greatest impact on the administrative, political system and geographical divisions of this land? This research is based on historical research method and based on geographical and historical sources. The achievements of this research are: the study of various social, geographical, cultural, economic and political factors affecting the growth of these areas from the Seljuk era to the beginning of the Al-Muzaffar period and understanding the most important components in the development of cities and provinces of this land.