فصلنامه مطالعات روابط بین الملل
پیاپی 57 (بهار 1401)

One of the preliminary objections of the United States of America in the case of the Certain iranian assets of the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran, raised in the International Court of Justice following the ruling of the Supreme Court (2016) was the citation of the doctrine of clean hands. The main point of this descriptive-analytical study is to examine the US preliminary objection based on the Doctrine of the Clean Hands. The United States had claimed that the Iranian government had revoked the right to sue by supporting terrorism and the special face of Lebanese Hezbollah Has done. The International Court of Justice, while accepting the defenses of the Iranian legal team, rejected the US objections to the jurisdiction and hearing of the petition. The Doctrine of the Clean Hands has a long history in the legal literature and has been accepted by international arbitration bodies as a condition for hearing a petition, but has never been accepted by the International Court of Justice as a preliminary objection, and the Court often Examination has referred it to the mertis level. In the case of the dispute between Iran and the United States, the Court did not violate its jurisprudence .

Iran and Turkey, as two influential powers in the developments in the Middle East, are trying to advance their cultural diplomacy in Iraq according to the nature of their government, goals and aspirations. The main question of the research is what are the effective characteristics of the cultural diplomacy of Iran and Turkey in Iraq in the years 2003 to 2020? The hypothesis is that Iranian cultural diplomacy in Iraq after 2003 has been proposed with the approach of Shiism, the axis of resistance and urban Iran as opposed to Turkish cultural diplomacy with the approach of Turkish nationalism and neo-Ottomanism. On this basis, each of these governments is trying to exert influence in Iraq with the approach of soft power and cultural diplomacy. In this way, Iran and Turkey have different conditions, opportunities, threats and tools to advance their cultural diplomacy. The research findings indicate that Iran is in a better position than Turkey in terms of conditions, opportunities and tools but the focus on Shiism and the issue of resistance in Iraq has led to little attention paid to other features of cultural diplomacy. In contrast, Turkey, with its utilitarian and opportunistic approach, has been able to make the most of it from tools such as Kurdish language and literature, media diplomacy, tourism development, scientific and educational topics, etc. through careful planning and gained more influence in Iraq. Data analysis was done by descriptive-analytical method and data collection was done by library method.

 This study tries to work on the US foreign policy on Iran based on Smart Power Theory. At the beginning of the 21st-century pivotal role of the US in globalization led to increasing the US power, credibility, and influence in the Middle East, so based on the US strategy in the foreign policy this power converted from soft and hard power to the "smart power" toward regional countries and especially Iran.The main question of this study is:How we can evaluate US policy based on "smart power" against Iran between the years 2008 to 2020? The hypothesis of this research is on the US foreign policy strategy towards Iran which admits the change in the meaning and use of power by concentrating on "smart power" which became more obvious after 2008. The theoretical framework of this research tries to evaluate and review the US foreign policy based on smart power towards Iran with considering multiple variables The Literature Review of this study is on uses descriptive-analytical and documentary methods that proceed by Literature Review method .

After entering the power system in Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, made great changes to the Saudi foreign policy strategy. By leaving the traditional strategy of defensive policy, he conducts an offensive strategy against Iran and the middle east and north Africa regions. Meanwhile, changing the coalition patterns in the region in the form of alliance with Israel, the NATO plan and trying to retain American military in the region has threatened national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. However, the present study aims to answer the question of what requirements the foreign policy strategy of Mohammad bin Salman in the region has created for the foreign policy and national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In this paper, "the security of the Copenhagen school" and "aggressive constructivism" have been used as a theoretical framework. Research methodology and data collecting are descriptive-analytical and library-documentary approaches. The findings indicate that the increasing closeness of Saudi to Israel, trying to create an Arab front along with Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, Riyadh 's attempt to move closer to the United States and bring this country to a wide contrast with Iran, has touched Iran 's national security at two levels of confrontation and detente.

After the Islamic Revolution, one of the most stable models of regional order in the Middle East, has been the competition between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. However, one cannot speak of fully establishing this pattern of bipolar order in the Middle East. And the Middle East regional order may change dramatically over the next ten years. The present study seeks to answer the main question of what the future scenarios of regional order in the Middle East will be like by 2030,and what is the favorable scenario for the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia under these patterns of regional order?In order to provide answers to the questions with a futuristic approach, the method of identifying and analyzing the impulses affecting the formation of regional order and identifying weak surprises and weak markers was used through interviewing experts using Mick Mac software. The research findings consistent with the effect of key drivers and analysis of power blockades in this region indicate that a wide range of scenarios can be proposed regarding the Middle East regional order,but the most desirable order for Iran is the hegemony of the revolutionary order and the most probable scenario for the Islamic Republic is the continuation of the balance of power scenario in this region. In contrast, the most favorable scenario for the pro-Western order is the hegemony of the Western-Salafi order and the most probable scenario for the pro-Western order is the continuation of the balance of power scenario.

The 25-year plan of joint cooperation between Iran and China has paved the way for upgrading the level of relations between the two countries to comprehensive strategic partnership. This has taken place in the context of two decades of bilateral relations between Tehran and Beijing and within the framework of common interests at the national, regional and international levels. At the same time, all three criteria of strategic compliance, environmental uncertainty, system principle and strategic fit in the formation of strategic partnership between Iran and China have been qualitatively met. In this regard, considering China's network of strategic partnerships clearly shows that the role of Iran in this network will not be isolated from other Chinese partners. Among these partners, Central Asian states and Afghanistan, which by 2013 have all signed several models of strategic partnership documents with China, have significant importance. This paper aims to answer the question of how Central Asia and Afghanistan affect the strategic partnership between Iran and China. Responsively, the three criteria of strategic geopolitics, linkage of geoeconomics and non-Western multilateralism are the factors that will influence the strengthening of Iran-China strategic partnership through the participation of Central Asian countries and Afghanistan. The paper seeks to answer the main question using a descriptive-analytical method and using the strategic partnership model presented by Thomas Wilkins.

The governing structure of the international system and, consequently, the Middle East order, which is influenced by the arrangement, competition, and interaction of regional actors and interregional intervening powers, have particular effects and consequences on the relations of actors in the Middle East. Organizes the surface of regular areas. The relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia and the patterns of interaction and friendship-enmity between the two countries are also a function of the formulations of the structure of the international system and the order of the Middle East. The question of the present article is that what effect does the anti-hegemonic emergence of the Islamic Republic of Iran have on the position of Saudi Arabia in US policy (considering the superior role of the US in the structure of the international system) in the West Asian region? Findings of the article Using neo-realist theoretical propositions show that Washington, in the context of its superior role in the structure of the international system, uses Riyadh as a geopolitical, geostrategic and geocultural weight to maintain balance. It looks at regional forces and countering the emergence and expansion of anti-hegemonic powers such as Iran. This article has been done through qualitative-interpretive method and inference of information through existing documents with descriptive-analytical approach and case information. The need has also been collected by taking methods from available and available sources, including: books, articles in domestic scientific research quarterly and foreign articles, reputable sites and Internet resources, and so on.

The United Nations is one of the international organizations and the most important organization that consists of all countries of the world and its pillars play a key role in international relations. The Islamic Republic of Iran, like other countries in the world, is a member of this organization. Our country, Iran, as an ancient country and civilization, urgently needs a fundamental re-reading of its relations and attitude towards the United Nations and its pillars. The main purpose of this article is to analyze and recognize the behavior of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the United Nations in the period of 1392 (2013) to 1400 (2021); The main question is what was the attitude of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the United Nations in the years 1392 to 1400? The researcher tries to reach an appropriate answer to this question with a theoretical approach to defensive realism, and with a descriptive-analytical research method and data collection tools of libraries and Internet sites. The results of the research show that the main problem of Iran's foreign policy towards the United Nations is its sinusoidal nature. And the solution to this problem is that Iran can play a more effective role in the United Nations by changing its sinusoidal foreign policy towards the organization and trying to establish various consultations for its reform.