International Journal of Political Science
Volume:12 Issue: 1, Jan-Feb 2022

To describe and articulate Iranian foreign policy, one must acquire an understanding of the theoretical approaches and its discourses that are appropriate to the identity and essence of the Islamic Republic as an Islamic state. Outside of this approach, a simplistic take towards the Iranian foreign policy will complicate the ability to correctly analyze this issue based on standard approaches in international relations. The main question that this paper seeks to find an answer to revolves around the Rouhani administration’s general foreign policy strategy and its specific policy towards managing the made-up international crisis of Iran’s nuclear program. Furthermore, the paper will look into the opportunities and challenges that exist which can impact that policy roadmap. To that end, in addition to analyzing the conceptual frameworks within which typical Iranian foreign policy approaches fit, elements that have had an impact on the type and direction of President Rouhani’s foreign policy, on both the national and international level, will be studied. By the same token, the values and priorities upon which this foreign policy was built along with its strategy will be reviewed and contrasted with prior administrations approaches, and possible impediments that they created for this administration will be explained. In reviewing these elements, this paper will take note of domestic U.S. campaigns including Congress’s treatment of the JCPOA, and the subsequent approach of President Trump towards this deal as one of the fundamental and impactful variables in the process of this paper.

Foreign policy choices usually range from historical to routine decisions. Political elites may decide to start conflicts, form alliances, reach agreements, make peace with each other, establish diplomatic relations, adopt certain views on nuclear nonproliferation, or enforce sanctions against other players. This study aims to analyze the motivations behind the efforts of the United States in the verbal aspect to prevent the development of Iran's nuclear program. To this end, it tries to answer the following main question: How has the United States' verbal strategy for securitization of Iran's nuclear program evolved and why is this approach so aggressive? The research hypothesis, which is examined using the descriptive-analytical method and the doctrines of security studies in the Copenhagen School, is based on the proposition that the United States' verbal strategy has maintained its aggressive nature via exaggerating the concern that one of the aspects of Iran's access to nuclear weapons is achieving regional hegemony, with the aim of providing the US with access to the resources of the Middle East. The results of this study indicate that the leaders of the White House are trying to ensure that the US gains access to the Middle East's oil, protects Israel and annihilates security threats.

The study of the cultural and identity status of societies affected by various phenomena and variables, including educational, cultural, artistic systems, etc., is one of the fundamental special works in the field of political sociology. By studying and researching cultural and identity changes in societies, the researcher seeks the reasons, contexts, effects and consequences of this with the aim of awareness and modeling. The present paper examines the data analysis foundation of the implications of linguistic hegemony on the culture and identity of language learners at the Iranian Language Center between 2005 and 2017. Accordingly, this research can be categorized based on the result and purpose of applied research, in terms of method in the category of descriptive research and in terms of data collection in the field of survey research. Based on the analysis of the collected data, the Iranian society can be called a marginal society in which English is still recognized as a foreign language and not a second language. The two mechanisms of educational knowledge and skills, and in particular the centrality of the English language and culture, are very prominent and effective among learners and even English teachers. It is in such circumstances that it is possible to form and expand the hegemony of the English language in Iranian society as a result of the current trend of the development of this language, which leads to a kind of dependence of our educational system on the central communities; And acknowledged in the absence of any linguistic sensitivity or realistic and logical language planning.

Cyber terrorism is one of the negative consequences of the information and communication technology revolution, which has been committed by individuals, governments and even organized terrorist groups with various motives and goals and has endangered the life and security of human society. Hence, today, cyber terrorism has become one of the main threats to the national security of countries. Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the countries whose threats in cyberspace, due to the widespread use of the Internet, network and cyberspace, has risen to the top of security threats in this country. The purpose of this study is to use the descriptive-analytical method to test the hypothesis and the library and fish-taking method for data collection, along with the use of Castells network theory, to answer the question that What impact does cyber terrorism have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results of this study indicate that the country has always been the target of numerous terrorist threats in the field of cyber in the last two decades ago. Creating public panic in society, assassination and physical elimination of elites and scientists using cyber technology, widespread exploitation of malware to damage and destroy vital infrastructure, theft of confidential information of government and citizens and its dissemination in cyberspace, public opinion management and the incitement of anti-government groups has been one of the most important threats of cyber terrorism, which in the past few years has caused extensive material and moral damage to the Islamic Republic of Iran and its citizens, and has posed serious challenges to its national security.

Over the past four decades, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran has always been influenced by the games and deals of great powers, including Russia and the United States. Iran's geopolitical position and access to energy resources; Internal and identity-building historical developments, including a long-standing enmity with the United States; The structural pressure of the international system and the developments related to the Islamic Awakening and the Arab Spring and the development of the axis of resistance in West Asian countries. All of the above are fundamental components that give Iran a distinct and prominent role in the Russian-American rivalry. The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the key government actors in the West Asian region; Despite forty years of striving for independence and easing international pressures, the conventional interpretation of foreign policy has always been influenced by extra-systemic and intra-systemic currents such as US-Russian interactions. The purpose of the research is the regional role of Iran and the competition between Russia and the United States in West Asia, and the main question is what is the regional role of Iran and the competition of Russia and the United States in West Asia? And the hypothesis is that Iran has played a multiple role in the political, military-security, economic-energy, and geographical spheres in the rivalries and relations between the two great powers, Russia and the United States, over the past two decades from 2000 to 2020 in West Asia. This research will be done using combined methods including descriptive, analytical and statistical methods based on communication and exchange theories. In fact, the author tries to use these theories to formulate a specific model to test the main hypothesis. Then, using the specialized texts available in relation to the three variables "Iran's regional position", "Belt-Road Initiative" and "South Asian convergence" in libraries, scientific and research quarterly; As well as internet texts and data and interviews with several experts in the field of foreign policy and communications and transportation in Iran to analyze the relationship between these variables.

Although Hong Kong is a deniable part of Chinese territory but it has always drawn world attention as an international city and an Asian financial center. The approval of National Security Law by the National People‘s Congress in June 2020 is a turning point in the regional politics. The authority of the central government has been expanded considerably afterward and Hong Kong is now integrated to the mainland China more than ever. This article will elaborate on the legal basis of the legislation, interlink between the Basic Law and National Security Law its innovation and impact will be discussed. Although the central government takes the issue as an internal affair, but based on international law, the 1984 Agreement is still valid and China has a commitment which cannot be neglected. On the other hand, the structure planned for the implementation of the mentioned law challenges high degree of autonomy of Hong Kong and freedoms of its citizen.

In one of the bloodiest developments in the Middle East, a severe crisis has gripped Syria and the region since 2011. In the meantime, each of the regional actors or supra-regional powers, according to their weight and position and based on their interests and considerations, have intervened, played a role or at least taken a stance in this crisis. This article seeks to identify the reasons and factors affecting these policies by examining the political and security strategies of regional and supra-regional actors vis-à-vis the Syrian crisis and study the approaches and tactics adopted by these actors. To this end, three theories of “structuralism”, “Copenhagen School” and “defensive realism” have been used as the theoretical framework. Moreover, by using filing tools, library and internet documents and existing writings, this hypothesis has been substantiated that due to the existence of three types of parallel, mutual and overlapping interests, the behavioral pattern of the actors involved in the Syrian crisis shows three levels of cooperation, competition and confrontation in the Syrian political and military scenes. In this respect, each of the parties involved attempts to have the upper hand by increasing their power and influence, while maintaining and promoting their national interests and controlling and limiting the influence and presence of the other parties.

The relation of thought and objectivity, truth and reality, individual and society, knowledge and power, economy and culture, and subject and object can be considered as origins; Each of which has been and still is the source of the emergence of special schools of thought in the history of thought and politics. Among these ideological dichotomies, the relationship between "self" and "other" is one of the most important confrontations, the importance of which has been somewhat neglected in the history of political thought. Therefore, the present study seeks to examine the relationship between "self" and "other" in political thought. From this perspective, after expanding the conceptual space of the subject and expressing its problematic aspect, he will examine the different dimensions and aspects of his relationship with the other. According to the thematic documents presented in this research, the research method is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection in this research is library. The findings of this study indicate that the relationship between self and other in political thought can be observed in the most detailed relationships, as the relationship of man with himself to more general relationships such as the relationship of man with other cultures. What is significant in this regard is the nature of the relationship that the "self" establishes with the "other."

Electoral participation as one of the important forms of political participation has a special place in the topics of political sociology, in general and electoral sociology, in particular. Analysis of electoral behavior is one of the basic functions of electoral sociology that the researcher can provide various models in electoral behavior by studying different elections. Therefore, the present study was conducted in order to assess the factors affecting the attraction of young people to the election campaigns of the winning candidate in the 11th and 12th presidential elections to present an optimized model. This research is applied in terms of purpose and in order to achieve more accurate and valid results, a combination of documentary study, qualitative and quantitative approach was applied. Therefore, triangulation research design was used. The research method is the analytical-descriptive study of the first-hand documents, thematic analysis and surveys. Based on the analysis of the data collected using statistical techniques and three types of coding, we concluded that personal characteristics and managerial backgrounds, election promises, support of political parties, prominent figures and celebrities, advertising policies, media policies and presentation of a new discourse was the factors influencing the attraction of young people to the election campaigns of the winning candidate in the 11th and 12th presidential elections.

Minor tyranny is known as the beginning of the full-fledged struggle of constitutional scholars against the views of legitimists. As from the perspective of the history of political thought, the most coherent and systematic treatises on the defense of constitutionalism were published in the same period, the best of which are the treatise Tanbih al-Ummah and Tanzih al-Mulla by Allameh Naeini. Naeini based his practical endeavors in politics on religious assumptions, moving in the direction of confronting what he saw as heresy in religion, which is to accompany tyranny; And stated that it was in the interest of the Muslim community to limit tyranny through the constitution. Accordingly, Naeini's association with the constitutional movement is a kind of political pragmatism, and this pragmatism is based on what he has considered a religious duty for the jurists. The present study intends to use the explanatory-analytical method with the help of library documents to answer the main question: what are the principles of Allameh Naeini's political pragmatism in the constitutional era? Allameh Naeini's political thought in defending the constitution based on dynamic ijtihad in Shi’a jurisprudence is one of the important examples of political pragmatism, which is based on the observance of public interests in accordance with rational and narrative arguments in the age of absence.

There is no doubt that intellectual phenomena are born of social conditions to a significant extent. The intellectual compatibility of the founders of social schools with the prevailing conditions of that society indicates the fact that social conditions create worldviews. They nurture them, lead them to fall and finally destroy them, or push their targeting direction from one side to another. The purpose of this article is to examine the general literary field with the general moral and political field in contemporary Iran (with emphasis on Nima, Forough and Shamlou's poetry) and the method is meta-analysis. This research in the framework of historical method and cultural, social and political studies and relying on the structure of Persian language, seeks to open a new window on these topics. The research findings showed that; Persian poetry is the most important realm in which power-oriented domination has not been formed, and Iranian society has this privilege. In the context of poetry, he should continue to engage in social actions of the kind that Habermas means and live in that context of a safe public domain outside of the relationship of domination that will result in the transformation and transformation of society.