Journal of Contemporary Research on Islamic Revolution
Volume:4 Issue: 13, Summer 2022

Imam Khomeini's reformative movement in the twentieth century with the support of theIranian awakening is considered the most significant religious revolution of its time. Inthe face of this spiritual revolution, formed a theological movement in the Latin Americanregion. The struggle against public oppression in Latin American society, social and economicinjustice, the exploitation and colonisation of nations by international imperialism werethe essential aim of the Latin American Revolutionary Church for its movement. But it failedto implement the goals of its action in establishing social justice and eradicating poverty andoppression in society. The present study primary question is ‘What are the commonalities anddifferences between the Latin American Revolutionary Church and the social theology ofthe Imam Khomeini movement in the social function of religion?’ The hypothesis is themost critical goal of Imam Khomeini's movement is to bring man to true happiness, andthe only strategy to achieve it is creating justice in a monotheistic society. Despitealigning with its ultimate goals and operational plans, the Latin American RevolutionaryPriests Movement has failed to produce the grounds for a human awakening in the LatinAmerican region due to its disbelief in the expansion of justice in the context ofmonotheistic society and its school subscription with Marxism and Nationalist parties.Belief in the two components of religious democracy and Vilayat-e Faqih formed a vitalstrategy called the Islamic Republic for Iranian people that the followers of theRevolutionary Church can fill their vacancy through this strategy. The present study, witha descriptive-analytical method and based on library resources, has been done.

The present study, for scientific use, aimed to combine and integrate the presentedanalyzes of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, which is based on Weber's charisma theorywith different approaches and in the form of individual and scattered studies in the formof books, articles, interviews, dissertations and thesis. To this aim, with the qualitativemethod and meta-analyzed technique, and the scientific method of the volume ofresearch, time, place, the format of works, research methods have been used, and thefindings of Weber's analyzes of the Islamic Revolution, similar species have beenidentified. The statistical population is 56 of the existing works of 37 domestic and foreignauthors and analysts. The findings indicated that a group of works acknowledge the powerof Weber's theory in analyzing the Islamic Revolution. Another group is trying toempower Weber's thesis in analyzing the Islamic Revolution using adaptation andcorrection. The third type of works indicates a critical approach confronting the arrival ofWeberian analysis and the inconsistency and inability of this theory to analyze the IslamicRevolution of Iran. Thus, meta-analysis shows different and even conflicting types ofanalysis of Weber's charismatic leadership theory and its usage in studying the Iranianrevolution in the contemporary century

US- Iran relations were special and strategic ones and after the Islamic revolution and upon suspension of diplomatic ties, these relations were replaced by a sustainable enmity and hate even after four decades. This matter is unique in the history of diplomatic relations. Based on the direct and face to face negotiations between Iran and the United States regarding nuclear issues in the 11th government, the necessity of the analysis of the factors contributing to the continuous conflicts between two countries has attracted the attention of the researchers and scientists in the field of international relations and has posed the question as to why even four decades after Islamic Revolution, the two countries have failed to establish a rational, logical and free from slogan relations. This question can be addressed from various viewpoints including nuclear deal, terrorism, Middle East peace process and human rights. The aim of the present study is to investigate the role of the human rights’ issue and its effect on the US – Iran relations, with a descriptive-analytical manner, hypothesizing that this issue has no noticeable weight and importance in the continuous conflict between two countries .To confirm this hypothesis, human rights situations in Pahlavi era are considered and compared with similar situations in Islamic Republic, and then their contribution to the US – Iran relations is analyzed . A historical - analytical method is used to explain the evidences and findings .

Development and progress as a complex concept based on a process have various dimensionsand levels usually studied in economic, political, social, and cultural development. Politicaldevelopment is one of the essential dimensions and indicators critical in theories andapproaches to development in schools of thought and political sociology studies. Whiledefining and clarifying the concept of "Political Excellence" and recognising the differencesbetween it and the idea of "Political Development" and introducing the indicators of thisexploratory concept, the present article examines them in terms of content from AyatollahKhamenei's perspective. The main question is about the place of political excellence ideaand progress in Ayatollah Khamenei's political thought. In response, it should be said thatin his view, political excellence will be achieved by considering local conditions anddomestic equipment, which is a new viewpoint and an acceptable model to replace withthe concept of Western political development. Explaining the concept of political excellence,while considering the Western models of development unsuccessful, emphasising theindigenous Iranian-Islamic model of progress, he expressed seven signs and indicatorsfor the desired model of political excellence and improvement, some of which, such asstruggle, the spirit of risk-taking and discipline, the foundations of Islamic epistemologyand attention to the two dimensions of human [body and soul], are the prelude toexcellence and progress, and others, such as ensuring the independence of the country,producing the science and realising the social justice, is the result of excellence andimprovement. In explaining the manifestations of political excellence and progress, healso expresses characteristics of the people such as awareness and insight, participationand presence in scenes and elections, and public monitoring and unity.

This article seeks to historical analysis about secession Mojahedin e Khalq Organization from Nehzate e Azadi basis of Parson’s structural functionalism theory. Nehzat e Azadi as a system takes political developments as data and after internal processes, expresses it's decisions as the output. In Parson’s theory, internal and external factors that impressive on environment and system’s values, cause disorder. and this disorder cause that system fail to adaptation its whith environmentaly changes. according to the hypothesis of this research, In the meantime, the agreed between United States of America and Mohammad Reza Shah to overthrow Ali Amini’s government, as external factor affects on environment; and leftist movements in countries like Cuba, Vietnam, Algeria and Palestine, as external factor affects on system’s value. Arrest of Nehzat e Azadi’s leaders, Engineer Mehdi Bazargan, Dr Yadollah Sahabi and Ayatollah Mahmoud Taleghani, as internal factor affects on environment and Engineer Bazargan’s scientism ideas as internal factor on affects system’s value; caused Nehzat’s young members, contrary to the ideas of the early leaders, choose violent struggle. This paper suggests the community structure of Nehzat e Azadi, that aspect in lack of organizational cohesion, was issues that not just didn’t oppose with this internal radicalism rather confirmed that.

The purpose of this study is to identify the roots of cultural policy making in the IRI. Having a historical approach this article has used a thematic content analysis with a “content coding technique” to review the works of three Islamic revolutionary scholars whose views have been frequent reference to many cultural policy makers before and after the revolution. In this regard there have been “thirty headlines” identified as policy making headings which are divided into: ten headlines from Ali Shariati’s book called “Returns”, eight headlines from "The Future of the Islamic Revolution" a book by Morteza Motahari, and twelve headlines from a series of Seyyed Ahmad Fardid’s lectures, titled as "Hereafter Conquest and Meetings of Farahi". According to the results of this research, the sharing feature of these three views, albeit from different origins of ideas, is the two following lines "Confrontation with Being Westernized" and "the Priority of Reform, and the Development of Thought and Culture". Another result of this research indicates the influence of the document "Principles of cultural policy of the country" through the views of these scholars. At the end of this article, it is claimed that the Islamic Republic of Iran's cultural policies, both elective and compound, are rooted in the cultural theorists of the revolution, and it cannot be accepted that the Islamic Republic of Iran, in its forty-year lifetime, departed from the first designed cultural principles. It is a form of early thought that has been recognized and formed as normal

The goal of countries in concluding treaties in international relations is to increase andensure national security. Each country is trying to maximize its safety in the globalenvironment. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, abbreviated as "JCPOA," resultedfrom 12 years of negotiations between Iran and the West, which formalized, after beingsigned by the P5 + 1 countries and ratified by UN Security Council Resolution 2231.Political and legal experts have considered the effects of JCPOA and related resolutions,including Resolution 2231, on national interests from various dimensions. The presentstudy aimed to analyze the West's attempt to reduce Iran's conventional deterrence powerfrom JCPOA entrance. The main question is ‘In addition to restricting Iran's nuclearindustry, what other goals did the United States pursue in JCPOA?’ The articlehypothesizes that one of the goals of the US-led West has been to weaken Iran'sconventional deterrence capability through JCPOA. This hypothesis is tested based on adeterrence strategy. Therefore, while proposing a deterrence strategy, the present studyanalyses JCPOA and its consequences (Resolution 2231) and its impact on theconventional deterrence capacity of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The result of this articleis the confirmation of the hypothesis above