نشریه مطالعات ایرانی اسلامی
سال یازدهم شماره 2 (تابستان 1400)

As one of the Iranian national and heroic epics after Firdawsī’s Shāhnāma, the Kūshnāma was composed in New Persian by Īrānshān (maybe Īrānshāh) ibn Abī al-Khayr at the beginning of the 12th century. It has more than ten thousand verses, nearly half of which are devoted to the exile of the mythical king Jamshīd’s descendants in the lands of Chīn, Māchīn, and B.sīlā, and to their resistance against the assaults by Kūsh and his son, brother and nephew of Żaḥḥāk, the Tāzī rulers of Chīn and Māchīn.In line with Iranian literary historiography, which typically retells history by combining legends of pre-Islamic provenance with Islamic-era historical knowledge, the Kūshnāma contains a wealth of relatively authentic geographical information about the ancient world and even depicts several long-distance travel routes. Such geographical information could be placed against the historical context in which it was composed and further verified by other Muslim classical historical and geographical works. Through the lens of historical geography, this paper elucidates the Kūshnāma’s depictions of travel routes between Iran and East Asia, most likely drawing upon historical prototypes from the trade routes between the northwestern nomadic zone and China’s central plain, the maritime trade routes between China’s central plain and the Korean peninsula, the fur trade routes between Northeast and Central Asia, and the northern trade routes between Iran and Europe. Moreover, certain plots of the Kūshnāma also imply the influence of ancient horse trade routes. I contend that travel routes in the Kūshnāma, whether presented as routes of migration or military expedition, reveal their fundamental nature as trade routes for their close relation to the large-scale commercial activities conducted by merchants of various ethnic groups over the Eurasian continent in history.A close examination of the Kūshnāma along with relevant sources in Perso-Arabic and Chinese historical and geographical works leads to the following conclusions Kūshnāma’s depictions of the caravan trade between Chīn and Māchīn bear similarities with commercial activities of the Sogdians in history and can be read as a projection of Sogdian caravan commercial expeditions between Central Asia and East Asia in the Iranian epics. The prosperity of the maritime Silk Road provided Arabs and Persians with an important way to understand East Asia. Records related to China and Silla in some of the Muslim historical and geographical works compiled from the 9th century onward were evidently based on information acquired by Muslims along the maritime Silk Road. Therefore, it is reasonable that plots involving the maritime trade routes between China’s central plain and the Korean peninsula should appear in Persian epics. Considering scholarly consensus on Sogdian participation in the intra-Asian fur trade, I propose that B.sīlā’s delivery of sable to Iran and Chīn via diplomatic corps described in the Kūshnāma can be read as a projection of Sogdian international commercial affairs along the ways linking Central Asia and Northeast Asia in the Iranian epics. Analogues of Jamshīd’s clansmen’s journey via the northern sea route cannot be found in historical sources compiled before the composition of Kūshnāma, but a curious coincidence between the narrative of Kūshnāma and a later historical event draws our attention.This paper further demonstrates how ancient trade influenced literary texts by creating and shaping folk beliefs, more specifically how the horse trade in ancient times promoted the spread of folk tales about legendary water horses and how these stories later inflected important historical and literary texts including the Kūshnāma. According to the Kūshnāma, the inhabitants of B.sīlā used to cross-breed their domesticated horses with a magical horse living in the sea in order to obtain fine-bred ones. The marvelous horses of the water horse breed were sent by the kings of B.sīlā to the king of Chīn and Māchīn, as well as to the king of kings of Iran as precious gifts on several occasions. Textual evidence from the Iranian storytelling tradition and early Muslim geographical works suggests that accounts of fabulous horses coming out of water and mating with ordinary horses first originated in Khuttalān of Transoxiana and approximately from the 9th to the 12th century and then spread westwards, even to Urfa of southern Anatolia via Ṭūs in Khorasan, Ray and Hamadan on the Iranian Plateau. Therefore, we can at least hypothesize that in the Islamic era, stories concerning the water horse transmitted in Perso-Arabic literature are most likely the by-products of the westward migration of the people speaking Turkic languages. On the one hand, the flourishing international horse trade in ancient times may have influenced the spread of stories about the legendary water horse over the Asian continent, one of which was grafted onto the story of the Iranian princes exiled in B.sīlā in the Kūshnāma. On the other hand, kings of B.sīlā’s presentation of fabulous horses of the water horse breed to kings of Chīn and Iran in the Kūshnāma can be deemed as a literary projection of the commercial activities conducted by diplomatic missions.In conclusion, prosperity on the Silk Road, motivated by the need for trade between the East and the West, had significant cultural ramifications. The Kūshnāma’s incorporation of trade caravans and trade routes by Jamshīd’s and Żaḥḥāk’s clansmen can be attributed to folkloric expressions about the active long-term trade activities by diverse ethnic groups such as Parthians, Sogdians, Persians and Turkic-speaking peoples along the Silk Road in ancient times. Hence, they are projections of certain fragments of “folk history” in the collective memory of the ancient Iranians.

Although political and military changes are swift and tangible but gradually grow less and become softened. This is not the case for cultural-artistic changes, especially in the past eras. It took a long time to stabilize such changes in territories. Sometimes, they were faced with passive reactions and even negative or affirmative resistance. For the same reason, the final outcome was different from the initial purpose and one can see some kind of amalgamation in long term.The said fact is applicable to many cases including the Sassanian collapse by the Muslim Arabs. Albeit the fact that the Sassanian army was defeated in the battles of Qadisiyyah, Jslula and Nahavad and the murder of Yazgird III in Merv which resulted in the fall of the Sassanian dynasty. And accordingly, Muslim Arabs ruled over Iran. However, cultural-artistic and even religious changes were never swiftly and suddenly happened. During the Islamization of Iran, especially after the ill-treatment of Iran by the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphates, a series of drawbacks were created that led to the emergence of Shu’ubiyya who religiously desired to return to the Sassanian period through art. Continuance of the Sassanian patterns in the artworks of the early Islamic centuries, especially on textiles of the then time, all reveal the Iranians’ desire to revert to the Sassanian art and culture -not their religion- briefly speaking “reversion to the Sassanians”. The present article focuses on a statistical society of textile of the last stage of the said period, i.e. the Buyid period. Such preference was made for two reasons: Firstly, the Buyids were the last and the most enthusiasts to revert to the Sassanians. Their successor was the Seljuks who were reluctant about it after being stabilized. Secondly, as the Buyids were Shiites, they did not follow the Sunni caliph. As a result, they had the freedom to emphasize their cultural-artistic independence. The findings of this article depend on three following pieces of textile dating back to the Buyid dynasty which are now kept in Cleveland Museum as well as some textiles that belong to the Sassanian period:The Buyid Textile being kept in Cleveland Museum with registered No. 1941.292Title of Textile: Cloth with Pattern of Star and GriffinWeaving Style: Plain Design with Silk WeftDimensions: 30.5 Cm X 40.3 Cm (12 X 15.8 in.)Place of Safekeeping: Cleveland MuseumColors: Black and WhiteThe Buyid Textile being kept in Cleveland Museum with registered No. 1962.264Title of Textile: Cloth with Pattern of Gereft-o-GirWeaving Style: Combined with Silk Weft (double-sided)Dimensions: 65 X 171 cm. (259.16 X 675.16 in.)Place of Safekeeping: Cleveland MuseumColors: Ivory and BrownThe Buyid Textile being kept in Cleveland Museum with registered No. 1982.43Title of Textile: Cloth with Pattern of Hunting FieldWeaving Style: Combined with Silk Weft (double-sided)Dimensions: 156.5 X 141.5 cm. (615.8 X 551.16 in.)Place of Safekeeping: Cleveland MuseumColors: Ivory and BrownWith regard to our theoretical framework, this paper employed library and documentary research. The findings show that artists deeply desired to use Sassanian patterns in their artworks particularly in textiles within the early Islamic centuries (especially the first four centuries). Their desire reached its zenith at the Buyid Dynasty. It is worth mentioning that the Iranian artists did not limit themselves with the mere imitation of the Sassanian patterns but they tried to redesign and make changes in the said patterns which enjoy noticeable specifications in relation to their original patterns and artworks. They prove the viability of ingenuity and creativity in this regard.In other words, such artistic actions were the mainstream genre of the said period which were the reflection of tendencies and thoughts that have not been explicitly expressed but there were lots of evidence that show how the said thoughts were alive in the peoples’ minds.As a result of continuous clashes of dispersed sovereignties in Iran, those tendencies and thoughts were gradually disappeared due to the disappointment caused by the non-revival of ancient Iran. After the powerful emergence of the Seljuqs who succeeded to rule all over Iran, the tendency to revert to the Sassanians was gradually lessened although its impact on artworks remained for a long time, but merely as art nor as a sign for any reversion to the Sassanians.

The cultural and economic relationships between the two ancient civilizations of Iran and China have a long history in ancient Iranian stories and myths. One of these stories is the Chinese Negarestan Poem. This story narrates the story of Chinse king's daughter and a Chinese minister's son who are in love and are killed by the sword of the King of China and revived by Imam Al-Hasan. This short romantic feature by Mirza Ahmad Sindh contains 266 verses in the "Bahr Hazaj." The composer of this poem, Mirza Ahmad Sindh, is one of the less known but tasteful poets of the Safavid era. According to his oldest manuscript, he used to live before 1775. His other poem, "Chah Vesal Lily and Majnoon," is known for its fame. Other than these two, he has a few other short poem books, namely "apples and palms," "Dervish's advice to Majnoon," and "The testimony of two partridges, Samand and Bidel." Chinese Negarestan, along with his other work," Chah Vesal Lily and Majnoon," was published in 1996.The language of poetry in the book is simple and close to people's language. The book's descriptions are the description of the lover and beloved, the description of the death of the lover and the beloved, the description of the courier, the resurrection of the lover and the beloved, the description of Imam Hasan.  One of the poet's initiatives is the presence of China in all verses. In the first 115 verses of this story, the tasteful poet brought China into all verses and created a poetic image with each one.In this story, both lover and beloved are from the royal family. Imam Al-Hasan revives the two lovers. The story has a religious purpose of reinforcing the religious foundations in readers. Imam Al-Hasan as the savior and intermediary of the story by reviving the lovers, causes the Shah and the Minister of China to convert to Islam.In this story, the poet has chosen "China" as the story's geography and has made many ironies, terms, and references with it, and has expressed what has been attributed to it along with amphibology. Choosing China as the site of an accident and a crime is not an unprovoked story. In poetic traditions, China has always been a land of beauties and dominant painters and exquisite merchandise. Its remoteness and long distance from Iran have been a proverbial way to emphasize perseverance in work. However, China has always been a source of illustration in classical, mystical, and folk literature. In the old geography books, China was the last place of the seven continents. Since an astrological sign, star, and a color was assigned for each continent, China's sign was Libra, and its star was the sun, and its day was Friday. In literary texts, China is referred to as the main part of Turkestan, Tibet, and current China. Still, sometimes analogies made to "Kashgar" and "Khotan" and "Khata" as beauties, and painters attributed them to each other. Moreover, China and Chegel have also sometimes been used together in poems. Besides, North China or Turkestan sometimes has been referred to as "Chin-O-Machin."For these reasons, the poet has made illustrations with China in 115 verses. In this story, the poet has chosen "China" as the geography of the story and has made many ironies, terms, and references with it, and has expressed what has been attributed to it along with amphibology; Such as China's Khaqan and Faghfoor, Beauties of  China, Chinese Lovers, China Painters, China House, China Gallery, Chinese Tune, Chinese Shield, Chinese Musk, Chinese Deer, Chinese Dinar, Chinese Idol, Chinese hair, Chinese Eyebrows, Chinese Face, Chinese Chin, Chinese Dragon, Chinese Eyebrows, Chinese Mirror, China Jamaat, Chinese Parand (Inked sword), Chinese Parand (Delicate Silk), Chinese Diba, Chinese bowl, Chinese Cup, and Chinese Market.

Undoubtedly, the biography of the Holy Prophet is one of the most important areas of research that Muslims from the past to the present and even orientalists have dealt with for various purposes. This started from the first century AH and continues until now. The great position of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and his unique role in human history have been constantly considered by Islamic and non-Islamic historians, narrators, etc.Hichem Djait, The Tunisian modernist thinker and historian, relying on the approaches of anthropology, the school of anal historiography, relying on the views of orientalists and surrounding the sources of the past with a special method, presented the prophetic biography with a new perspective. In this article, with a descriptive-analytical approach and content analysis, an answer to some basic questions is given; Including: What is the reading of Hisham Ja'it in the field of prophetic biography and his most important achievements in this field? What are the influential people and approaches to his reading and biography?Hichem Djait (1935 –2021) was a prominent historian and scholar of Islam. Professor Djait was a specialist in Medieval Islamic history, he was member of the International Scientific Institute for the General History of Africa edited by the UNESCO.In the many books he published in Tunisia and France, he mainly deals with various subjects related to Arab-Islamic culture, history and philosophy as well as to the relationship between Islam and modernity and the place of Islam in the contemporary world. Among such publications, one may mention The Great Fitna (or The Great Discord) first published in 1989 and which represents a seminal study and a revolutionary reading of Islamic history following the death of Prophet Muhammad. The Great Fitna is often described by scholars and critics as the most influential reference on the subject. Other works include Europe and Islam (1978), The Revelation, the Quran and the Prophecy (1986), The Crisis of Islamic Culture (2004) and a ground-breaking study entitled The Life of Muhammad first published in French between 2001 and 2007 and released in English in 2012. The three volumes of the latter study which cover the itinerary of the Prophet and the concomitant evolution of Islam are subtitled "Revelation and Prophecy," "Predication in Mecca," and "The Prophet’s Life in Medina and the Triumph of Islam."Hisham Ja'it wrote a three-volume collection entitled "Fi al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah" in order to dress up from the mythical angles and imaginations of previous biographies about the Prophet (PBUH). He gave a critical approach to the historical and philosophical study of issues related to the nature of the Qur'an, as well as providing a critical historical reading of the Prophet's invitation and policy, monitoring previous biographies and interpreting the structure of Mecca society in the pre-Islamic era and on the eve of emergence. It can be said that Ja'it is one of the leading contemporary Arab historians, who has been able to become a prominent professor in the field of critical historical studies by using the resources of past heritage and new academic approaches. The most important purpose of this study is to pay attention to the influence of different individuals and schools on Hisham Ja'it, which in other scientific works in Persian and Arabic has received less attention. It turned out that Ja'it in his collection relies entirely on the views of Orientalists such as Noldeke, Blascher, Andrea, Montgomery Watt, etc., and Western approaches such as historical anthropology and philology, etc., and analyzes previous prophetic biographies from Passers-by examine them. He considers the Qur'an to be the most reliable contemporary source in the field of critical critical analytical study of the Prophetic tradition. Also, his analytical approach in the discussion of being Amy, the story of Gharrara, Gharaniq, etc. are different from the usual readings of the predecessors. Ja'it examines the issue of the Prophet (PBUH) 's motherhood in a historical process and during the occurrence of the cave incident, and in order to prove that the cave's story is fabricated, he gives a new interpretation of the Prophet (PBUH)' s motherhood

Western thinkers, relying on this Orientalist discourse, as Edward Said says, is a system of power-knowledge that with Orientalization. The East makes it possible to identify the West as a distinctly, exceptional and superior ontological and cognitive phenomenon. In fact, in postcolonial studies, the goal is that the type of representation must change. The represented image should act not in the direction of justifying superiority but in the direction of equality. Because the representations of the Eastern world, the colony is at an unequal level compared to the colonizer. They were expected to passively and silently allow the West to watch them as objects. The observer, far from the object being studied, is placed in a position as if she can stare at her object without being seen. Saeed's plan in dealing with such a method is representation. Representation itself is not reality but an external report and a kind of manipulated image of it. Representation is defined as "the production of meaning through conceptual and linguistic frameworks." The system of representation creates a copy of culture and makes them a reality. However, photography is inextricably linked to reality, and the existence of any photograph depends on the recording of a moment, subject, or reality in the external world, But it also allows the photographer to conceptualize. In fact, the photograph breaks a piece of time and place from its reality and creates a relatively independent text with its own meanings. In this article, in order to analyze the discourse, we will use image semiotics tools for better understanding. We will analyze the photos with the tools of substitution and companionship, interaction and contrast of signs, texture and background and intertextuality. In this way, a methodical framework can be used to analyze the photos. Due to the fact that Kermanshah was one of the main routes for Europeans to enter Iran, many orientalists have crossed this route And there are many books in this field. But few of these books contain photos or images. The purpose of this article is to review the content that includes photos or images of the area. Examining the images in these texts, we conclude that most of these images are in the structure of colonial relations and They are placed through the lens of knowing the East for the West and inducing a special framework to the East. A Otherness narrative, in which the West is at the center of discourse and can recognize and narrate another. This method is repeated by different tools. Texts, paintings, and photographs can all be analyzed alongside each other in order to exclude the East and design a central position for the West. In fact, the photo became a factor in maintaining the power of the West against the East. Most of the stereotypes that exist in order to show the superiority of the West and the backwardness of the East in the Orientalist discourse are also reflected in the images.

ding caravansaries has been one of the most important civil and welfare activities of Iranians during historical and islamic centuries. Although numerous researches have been done by former researchers, there are many untold things to clarify the changes of this form of architecture. In south of Iran (Khouzestan and Kohgiluyeh & Boyer Ahmad provinces) there are some caravansaries left from the last centuries. It is belived that the investigation of these structures helps the better understanding of changing trend of building caravansaries in Iran, especially in its southern parts. Among them, an old caravansary located in the vicinity of Mohammad Abad village, Dezhe-Mahtabi caravansary, KhanAvaz caravansary (in Kohgilouyeh & Boyer Ahmad province) , Darvazeh - Gach caravansary (located in Ramhormoz city in Khouzestan province), and many others in Lar region (Fars province) could be mentioned. The question which we are going to find its answer in this study is that: What is the most important charactristic of simple caravansaries in southwest of Iran and how has been the history and the evolution of them? The method used in this survey are descriptive-conformative and also historical-analytical approaches. While investigating historical resources about road connections in the region during islamic period and archeological evidence of Mohammad Abad caravansary, the authors have made an attempt to evaluate the similarity of this caravansary with other similar caravansaries in Kohgilouyeh & Boyer Ahmad, Khouzestan, Fars, and another similar building in western Qasr-alheir in Syria.In terms of plan and overall map, Mohammed Abad caravanserai is comparable to “Darvazegach” caravanserai which is known as the oldest caravanserai in Iran, belonging to the Sassanid period. However, in terms of overall dimensions, Mohammed Abad caravanserai is considered as a larger sample of “Darvazegach” caravanserai. Although it is comparable to Dezhmahtabi caravanserai in the fifth century AH/10th century CE in terms of the materials used, the type of arch (crescent arch), and the pillars applied, according to the list of stations on Arjan-Semirom route mentioned by Moghaddassi (the fourth century AH/10th centuries CE; the oldest historical text about the historical route of Arjan-Isfahan), the first station from Arjan is Kenesht Majoosan. It is possible that Dezhmahtabi caravanserai is the station mentioned by Moghaddassi. Since Mohammad Abad caravanserai is the second well-known caravanserai in Kohgiluyeh, which is about 2-day travel (60 km) from Arjan, it is the same station mentioned by Moghaddassi (Gharyeh is the second station on Arjan-Isfahan route). Thus, the construction of Mohammad Abad caravanserai can be attributed to at least the fourth century AH. Although it is not possible to neglect the presence of Dehdasht 10 km east of Mohammad Abad caravanserai, which was probably called the village of Al-Dasht initially and Dehdasht in the Safavid era with a significant position in the Kuhgiluyeh region, artifacts not older than Seljuqid period have been found there. It is noteworthy that the third station on this historical route is the city of Ziz in the 4th century AH/10th century CE, Ziz and Gharyeh stations were built simultaneously. Moghaddasi stated that Ziz was a small town located along the Taab River, where meat, walnuts, and fruits were cheap, and the central mosque, which began in 367 AH/ 977 CE, was left unfinished until 368 AH/978 CE when he was still there. Mohammad Abad caravanserai is also comparable to north and south Khan Avaz caravanserais on the Arjan-Shiraz route, which are attributed to the fourth and fifth centuries AH based on the study of surface potteries. It should be noted that during the fourth and fifth centuries AH/ 10th-11th centuries CE, Kohgiluyeh was part of Fars province, which was under the rule of Al-Bouye (327-432 AH/ 938-1040 CE); therefore, it is possible to attribute the construction of this caravanserai to Al-Bouye. It is said that “Azud Al-Dawla” constructed 3,000 mosques and inns in the late 4th century AH, mostly in western parts of Iran. Al-Bouye caravanserais in this region are probably part of the network of caravanserais built based on Al-Bouye caravan program. Mohammad Abad caravanserai was used by the tribes of the region during the Pahlavi era. The parts of the caravanserai restored with rock and mortar are related to this period. In the 1990s, as the city of Mohammad Abad emerged, the ceiling and walls of the caravanserai were extensively demolished and its gypsum was used for the construction of new houses. The simple architecture of these caravansaries, which had long spaces suitable for keeping the horses of the caravans, suggests a function beyond the accommodation of travelers and is probably rooted in “Chapar Khaneh” originating from the Achaemenid period. As we know, a number of caravanserais were the means of conducting “Barid” or dispatching political-official messages, that had maintained their importance from the Achaemenid period to the Islamic middle centuries. Barid was arranged on regular intervals at intermediate stop points and by changing horses, and in addition to delivering documents and messages quickly, it was an obvious means of transferring military and civilian information (ibid: 438). Barid in the south-west communication routes in Iran was more important than other parts of Iran, because the major capitals of Iran were in Fars from the Achaemenid period to the Al-Bouye period, and the important way connecting the western centers of the Persian empire from Shusha and Ctesiphon to the center of Fars passed from Khuzestan and Kohgiluyeh. What has been reported about this way in the Islamic era is the mention of places such as Farzuk, Bandak, Hebs, Khan Hammad, Jonbaz or Gonbad Molghan. Therefore, it is not beyond expectations that the form of these caravansaries would be the continuation of pre-Islamic monuments for Chapar Khanes which had the task of informing and conveying governmental documents to various parts of the empire. However, what does this form in the Western Qasr Al-Hayr collection indicate? As historical sources show, with the establishment of the Umayyad system in the middle of the first century AH and the reversal of the Islamic government towards the royal government and the proclamation of Muawiyah as the first king of the Arabs, he established Barid by consulting his Persian and Roman advisors in order to fulfill his goals in the administrative system of the government. He aimed to set up the Supreme Court to speed up the collection of news and information in the areas under management, secure the roads and counterespionage operations, repel the evil of bandits, care for and repair roads, bring Khalifa’s secret news to senior officials, and provide regular reports on financial, military, and civilian affairs and its dissemination. At the Umayyad era, Barid expenditure was forty million Dirhams, which is twice the amount spent by the next dynasty, the Abbasids. Koureh Arjan and Kohgilouyeh region, in the course of the Achaemenid and Sassanid dynasties, linked Asia Minor through Mesopotamia to Susa, Arjan, and Estakhr. The Silk Road also passed Baghdad, Halwan, and Nasibain and reached, after crossing the Euphrates, the city of Hierapolis and the port of Antioch on the Mediterranean coast. In the Islamic period, this region maintained its communication position through which the economic relationship of Fars was established with the centers of the Islamic caliphate in the Chamat in the Umayyad period (Syria and Jordan) and Iraq during the Abbasid period (Basra, Baghdad, and Al-Vaset), and an important commercial route passed from this region to Isfahan. Therefore, it is not beyond expectations to notice the formation and construction of this type of caravanserais in Syria during the Umayyad period.In this study, Mohammad Abad caravansary was investigated by using historical resources and archeological evidence and it has been illustrated that this caravansary and other similar caravansaries are dating back to Sasanid to Al-Booyeh era. The building lack any castle in corners, but the remained evidence suggests a guarding room on the top of their entrance. Curved roofs and similar dimensions of them are two others main charactristics of these buildings. The similar appearance of these caravansaries implies the existence of a coherent plan from road building authorities of Sasanid to Saljuqi period. If these structures are put in the texture of the regions which are under investigation, considering the fact that Darvazeh-Gach is attributed to Sasanid period, it would be probable that with the formation if Arjan city and its importance in the south of Iran, constructing caravansaries has been one of the most necessities of communication with other regions in Iran and with the five regions. And it should be mentioned that historians have noticed the importance of Arjan area in Al-Booyeh period. Transformation of the wealth acquired from agriculture and trade in this region, had resulted in paying attention to roads in Arjan region and to the construction of public facilities like caravansaries and numerous bridges which is recognized better by doing archeological investigations. Anyway, archeological evidence show that this caravansary has been built in Sasanid and Al-Booyeh periods. However, considering the fact that there has been no archeological study about the beneath parts of the building and probable adjoints, these kinds of studies seem necessary to investigate revolutionary trend of caravansaries located in south of Iran in details. These studies are also having a pivotal role in understanding questions about the reasons why these caravansaries are small and the reasons for not observing security principles in building them. In late islamic period, in which constructing caravansaries was very common, many of them has been built in Lar region in Fars province and demonstrates the continuation of this form of architecture in this period. Yet, these caravansaries are not like what researchers described them as four-porches buildings, and they lack any kind of Porch. The only porch in them might be their entrance part. The practical aspects of these building as stables in three sides of them, compared to low attention paid to providing rooms for passengers, make researchers to remember Chapar houses which were built in islamic period, specifically the early centuries, in accordance with Achaemenid innovations. Hence, the roads on which these buildings have been established (roads like Khouzestan to Fars), have had a great importance in Achaemenid to Sasanid period.