نشریه علوم سیاسی
سال بیست و پنجم شماره 2 (پیاپی 98، تابستان 1401)

This article proposes a new account of justice under the theory of global and self-sufficient moral value of justice. The main problem is that some formulations of social justice end up in reductionism, and by focusing on the pragmatic dimension of justice and neglecting its fundamental aspects, they lead to a confusion in understanding justice. My account enumerates the flaws of the narrow reductionist approaches to justice and the grand of its value and requirement, emphasizing the need for an acknowledgement of fundamental issues of justice in an account of social justice to establish that the moral value of justice is global and justice is intrinsic and self-sufficient. This article refines the three tenets of this theory; that is, the conceptual tenet, the axiological tenet, and the thematic tenet, considering its implications. The results of this research can pave the path for the formulation of a grand theory of social justice.

The present research adopts a historical and logic method to identify the political wisdom of the Islamic Revolution of Iran as a practical wisdom, and in epistemic terms, it elevates it from the precarious fluid position of an interdisciplinary study to a main first-rate branch of philosophy. The chief contribution of the present theory is that it highlights the role of political philosophy in reconciling the “transformation and stability” and “originality and emergence” as well as divine agency to organize the Islamic Revolution by fertilizing and saturating the monotheistic worldview with practical sciences such as political theology, political ethics, political jurisprudence, and governmental jurisprudence. An exclusive achievement of the political wisdom of the Islamic Revolution is the process theory of the Islamic Revolution in terms of religious democracy within five stages: “revolutionary movement,” “system making,” “government making,” “society making,” and “civilization making.” No other political philosophy leaves open the prudential philosophical approach to futuristic horizons and civilization making until the Reappearance of Imam al-Mahdi.

It is a rational necessity to form a government to establish order and justice and to organize the system of social life. While Shias believe that, during the presence of the Infallibles (a), it is his obligation and right to form a government, some of them are concerned whether believers have an obligation to form a government in the period of Occultation of the Infallible or they are banned from doing so. Although there are hadiths that ban the establishment of a government, this research seeks to show that such hadiths are weak with respect to their chains of transmission as well as their implication. In fact, those hadiths do not issue an absolute ban on any uprising. Moreover, this improper belief is inconsistent with Quranic verses and other valid hadiths from Ahl al-Bayt (a).

The present research discusses the limits of absolute guardianship (wilāyat muṭlaqa) of the jurist from the perspective of Imam Khomeini. The method of research is descriptive-analytic. The results show that “absoluteness” in the jurisprudential term “absolute guardianship” is a relative concept. Guardianship is absolute in some aspects and qualified or constrained in others. In Imam Khomeini’s view, a jurist has absolute guardianship (authority of an Islamic government) with respect to ancillary jurisprudential rulings; that is, in addition to its task of performing ancillary jurisprudential rulings, when necessary, the government can legislate binding laws in the domain of jurisprudential problems and even jurisprudential obligations. However, the guardianship of a jurist or authorities of a government in the Period of Occultation of the Infallible Imam is constrained in at least five aspects: justice, exigency as identified by committed experts, the public domain, commitment of the governmental practice of the Prophet (s) and Infallible Imams (a), and law. In this way, there is no ground for claims like “priority of guardianship over justice,” “legitimacy of any decision deemed exigent by the jurist,” “any governmental interference in citizens’ privacy,” “equivalence of a just jurist to an Infallible Imam,” and “the jurist guardian being above law.”

The present research aims to investigate Strauss’s political philosophy with a focus on elements of Jewish theology. What is crucial in his thought is that he reread theological concepts in a philosophical sense, particularly in terms of a political philosophy. While Strauss’s critique of Machiavelli’s notion of virtue is a critique of “modern man’s autonomy,” it still defends the notion of “divine providence” and “predestination” as an essentially theological principle. Although Strauss does not explicitly state that his political philosophy is founded upon the principles of Jewish theology, his political philosophy is indeed grounded in elements of such theology. This is reflected in two dimensions of Strauss’s philosophy: the impact of Strauss’s lifeworld as a Jew on his methodology when reading the texts of classic political philosophy; and the impact of elements of Jewish theology on the main concepts of Strauss’s political philosophy. The present research claims that Strauss’s proposed method and concepts arise from his lifeworld as a person in a Jewish community

The issue of convergence of nations has an old history, but a scientific study of the problem began after World War II in studies of international relations, particularly regional studies. The question is why west Asian countries fail to move toward regional convergence. The research hypothesis is that successful convergence in West Asia is owed to a four-dimensional model, which can fill all the present gaps and prepare the ground for convergence among regional players. The model involves four elements: insight (doctrinal), motivation, structure, and the acting environment of the players. With drawing a distinction between the world of the player’s cognitions and the world of their personal characters, which spring from other psychological factors such as feelings, experiences, emotions, and interests, this model seeks to shed light on both “human-centric” origins that affect in the actions of regional players because of the predominance of agential components over structural components in the West Asian region and in parallel with the study of environmental and structural elements.

The present research focuses on the thoughts of the leaders of Ansar Allah Movement to account for the crisis in Yemen from their perspective as well as the way out of the crisis. The research method is descriptive-analytic, and the results show that the leaders of Ansar Allah Movement see threats to their Zaydi identity as the main crisis, believing that its main cause at a national level is the fall of the Zaydi government and at a transnational level, the spread of Salafism. Their ideal is the return to an Islamic government based on Zaydi principles, and the way to achieve this objective for them is the establish of the movement. The experience of recent years in Yemen shows that this movement began with a scholarly and promotional approach and then organized the cultural structure as Shabab al-Muʾmin, and finally, it adopted an operational approach, and within thirty years, it could develop from a small cultural group active in the mosques of Saʿdah and ʿAmran in Yemen to a main player on the political stage of the country and a member of the axis of resistance in the region. A full-fledged accurate rereading of the process through which movements like Ansar Allah were born can provide researchers and policymakers with a model for the formation of similar movements in other regions of the Islamic world.

The present research aims to provide a critical analysis of the developments of the world wide web and cyberspace on the principle of territorial sovereignty. In this line, I study internet-based technological developments in changing the role, place, and authorities of governments to exercise laws in their territorial domains. The main question is: How do platformization and metaverse could increasingly challenge the rights of governments for sovereignty, and what are the main areas of their impact? The results show that the threats of the domination of big Western platforms can be reduced by developing a high-quality indigenous platform ecosystem, leading Iranian users to messengers administered by governments that are in good terms with Iran, diversifying foreign platforms, and supporting the production and sharing of indigenous contents based on the Iranian-Islamic culture, and localizing the data