نشریه بحران پژوهی جهان اسلام
سال ششم شماره 1 (پیاپی 13، بهار 1398)

With the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the establishment of a new military, the theorizing on Islamic rule in Shiite jurisprudential political thought turned into an important issue and always focused on two concepts of the supreme leader - the president and their relations in explaining the political philosophy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi is one of the thinkers who has studied the political philosophy of the Islamic Republic, but so far the relationship between the divisive Jurisprudential Rule and the people's vote has not been analyzed in his thoughts. Therefore, the main question of this article is the relation between Velayat-e faqih and republicanism in the political thought of Ayatullah Mesbah-yezdi. The main hypothesis of this article is that the guardianship of the fair jurisprudent throughout the Tahrir Velayat is Almighty, and this is the factor of legitimacy of the system, the law and the administrators, although the president and the people in the al-Faraq area have their own position and functions. The present paper, using the documentary-analytical study and the theoretical framework of system analysis, seeks to explain the thoughts of Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi is about the relationship between the " Velayat and the populace ".

The relation between freedom of thought and apostasy is the emerging debate about which no systematic studies have been done. However, one can find a footprint of this issue in the works of Islamic scholars. The present study, by gathering and summarizing the views of twelve contemporary thinkers about removing the apparent marginalization between Islamic defenses of freedom of thought and forging the death sentence for apostate, has tried to provide a clear background to this discussion. The thinkers whose views have been examined in this article are in alphabetical order: Adlibi, Ayazi, Bana, Jaberi, Javadi Amoli, Sobhani, Soroush, Tabatabai, Odeh, Mesbah Yazdi, Motahari and Montazeri. Most Islamic scholars agree that apostasy is not merely a change of opinion, but it is a kind of action against the collective identity of religion and political crime. However, some of these thinkers have rejected the death sentences of the apostate and rejected and believe that Islam doesn’t have it. The expression of the innovations of each of these thinkers and their comparison with other comments is ahead of research privileges.

The purpose of this study is primarily to study the concept of peace and the mechanisms for achieving it from the perspective of the Islamic approach to international relations, especially Shiite jurisprudence, and secondly, to compare the Islamic approach to peace with views such as realism and liberalism, Marxism, and critical theories in the field of international relations. The main focus of this study is on Shi’ite jurisprudence, since it is believed that this element provides new insights into the Islamic approach of international relations, while being more dynamic, can lead to the study of the main concepts of international relations, including peace and war. The main question that the research is trying to answer is how is the Islamic approach to peace? How does Shi’ite jurisprudence causeto dynamize the Islamic approach to international relations, and especially peace?
Findings of the present research show that the Islamic approach, in comparison with most international approaches in its view of peace, focuses on factors such as the individual, the state and the international system, and in this way it can be said that this approach is more comprehensive. On the other hand, Shiite jurisprudence, through the provision of new int. erpretations, especially in the field of reason and consensus, compares with Sunni attitudes, makes the Islamic approach more dynamic to international issues, including war and peace. The documentation of this argument is presented in the main text of the paper.

Three readings of Islam as three competing government models in the West Asian region try to introduce themselves as a top model. The present research aims to answer this key question: "What is the British public diplomacy approach, with which readings from Islam in the West Asia region, and London prefers which one of the development of reading of Islam? » The results of this study indicate that the greatest discrepancy and discrepancy between the British public diplomacy approaches with the representatives of the purely Islamic Islam is that it never comes to compromise and engagement.
On the other hand, because of the cultural and affinity of the secular Islam representatives, the English have the least challenge with this view of Islam. Wahabi Islam also has priority over the secular Islam model, because of its role in the British diplomacy's puzzle and its grand goals, which is realized through the presentation of an inhuman and violent pattern of sharia. Also during the Islamic awakening, the British authorities entered into action in order to create greater convergence between the secular and Wahhabi representatives of Islam in order to confront the notion of genuine Islam.

In the present research, the author attempts to present a transcript of "developments in the concept of jihad in the heritage of Sufism" by studying the transcendental "system of concepts" and "discovering its main clues" in order to study the meaning of jihad from the point of view of sufism. To achieve this goal, an interpretive theory based on the "Toshihi Hizko Izotsu" method has been used; in its analytical research on "Qur'anic concepts, understanding the changes and developments of these concepts and interpreting the movement of these concepts among the structure of ignorance and the Quranic structure "He used a particular method.
In the present study, one of the most important Sufi duties is to reach the truth, cultivate and refine the soul, and to this end it is necessary to rebellion, that is to prepare oneself for the promotion of the authorities. Therefore, Jihad (Mujahedeh) is not the main demand of the Sufism, but is a subsidiary and periodic tool used by the seeker in its direction, but as the development of the idea of ​​Sufism and its distance from the original wisdom, its implications also developed, and later the connoisseur felt the need to find the religious origins for the Sufi meaning of "jihad", that is, "self-jihad" as the equivalent of "Qatal jihad" and perhaps even above that, and self-jihad became an underlyingand primary principle and the rest of the forms of jihad were introduced as secondary principle. Therefore, the concept of jihad among the Sufism became purely spiritual, and the "Ahl-e-Tariqat" was aimed at the Jihad-i-Akbar, without paying much attention to the vast and diverse arenas of jihad.

In the words of political economy, economic sanctions are one of the instruments of control of countries that are in the interest of the economic and social interests of the dominant countries. The ban as one of the most important foreign policy instruments of the countries has continued to maintain its high profile in the twenty-first century and has become a powerful lever for countries. In pursuit of maintaining the goals and interests of the self-government of the countries under sanctions, the ban is an important role for the international community due to its low cost as a civilian, and as a substitute for civilian aid, it is useful because the military apparatus is both costly and possible. It has the potential to increase political instability, violence, general discontent, regime change, rebellion, and custody. The effects and consequences of the boycott of the political structures of the sanctions countries are visible. It can be pointed out to political instability, violence, general discontent, regime change, rebellion and custody. It is gradually weakened and stabilized, and ultimately leads to a change in political attitude. It seems that sanctions, despite the undeniable effects that the stabilization of democratic states has made, is unimaginable in the case of non-democratic countries. In this sense, the boycott has failed to undermine the political instability of the political structures of its governments. Because governments An undemocratic process that has led to a change in behavior or a