فصلنامه پژوهش های تاریخی
سال چهاردهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 55، پاییز 1401)

In the Qajar era, manifestations of the new civilization were first established in the centers of modernity such as Tehran and Tabriz. Despite numerous obstacles, it gradually reached other provinces. From institutions and new manifestations, we can name the school and the newspaper that had a great impact on the social and intellectual transformation of the society. In the city of Zanjan, the manifestations of civilization were created with delay despite the fact that this city is located between the two important centers of Tehran and Tabriz. It was due to the social, political, and cultural creation of Zanjan. However, gradually new institutions impress their influence on Zanjan society among some classes and groups. This issue has not yet been the subject of an independent study and its vacancy is felt in studies on the process of establishing the manifestations of a new civilization in different provinces. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the establishment of schools with newspapers and newspaper reading and those who try this path by explaining the obstacles, difficulties, effects, and results. According to the research claim, due to the relatively free conditions of the Mozaffari era and the cooperation of the executive elements of the government with the reformists, new manifestations were established in Zanjan and were accompanied by some successes. But the competition of the scholars in form of opposing groups that affected different strata created serious obstacles for new institutions and those interested in new manifestations. This study deals with the issue using a descriptive-explanatory method, relying on original sources, newspapers, and archival and family documents.

After the transfer of power to Cairo and selection of Cairo as the capital of Islam, the Fatimids needed to strengthen the legitimacy and acceptability of their caliphate against the Abbasid caliphate and in the Sunni community of Egypt in order to continue their political and social life.With its analytical approach and the method of collecting library data, this article examined the function of social vitality of popular rituals in Fatimid Egypt. Examining the functions of social vitality in empowering the Fatimid government and showing the glory of the caliphate and legitimacy of the government to face the Abbasid caliphate are very important. Studies have shown that the cultural function of social vitality of folk mirrors in the fields of symbolic function, education, and tolerance, its social function in the fields of social supervision, submission to the caliphs and honoring the Fatimid caliphs, and social cohesion have been very helpful and brought legitimacy to the Fatimid caliphate.

One of the themes in almost all texts of traditional local histories is mythical narratives. In this research, an attempt is made to achieve deeper meanings and notions behind the appearances of these myths by applying mythological and psychological concepts and categories. Concepts and categories such as the collective unconscious, the archetype, the center, the celestial models, the myth of the origin, etc., unveil layers of meaning. Chains and networks of meaning often aim at strengthening the patience and endurance of the trembling flame of human existence in the face of death and inexistence. At the same time, myths also play a role in providing role models and patterns.
These myths can also be analyzed from an individual perspective, as opposed to the collective approach mentioned in the above statements, and based on a psychoanalytic approach. From this perspective, the content of many of these propositions can be classified into two categories: ‘sanctity’ and ‘individuality’. According to Transactional Analysis Theory and Games Theory, the unconscious intention behind such myths and themes is to create calm and relief, through the ‘I’m better than you’ game.

As Shahpour II (379-309 AD) came to power, the Roman-Sasanian conflicts entered a new phase. The policy of Shahpour II during this period was to gain access to the rich cities of Syria. To achieve his goal, he tried to enter Syria three times after capturing the city of Nisibis in the north of Mesopotamia in the 340s AD, but he failed and retreated each time. In 359 AD, at the suggestion of Antonius, he decided to advance directly towards Syria by crossing the Euphrates River, but he failed again.The purpose of this study is to answer the basic question of why Shahpour II was defeated in the war in 359 AD despite choosing a new war tactic, namely direct attack on Syria. It seems that the secret letter of Procopius, who secretly informed the Roman generals about Shahpour's war plan, played a key role in this failure.Following the Romans' knowledge of Shahpour's decision to invade Syria, various measures were taken to counter Shahpour’s corps. With this strategy, they succeeded in preventing the advance of his troops into Syria. Therefore, based on the written sources of ancient Romans, archaeological evidence, and evaluation of the geographical location of the region, the role of Procopius in this defeat was investigated with a historical approach and a descriptive-analytical method in this study.

Although after the uprising of June 6th, 1963 republican tendencies, influenced by the first National Front of Iran under the leadership of Dr. Hossein Fatemi, were seen among some members of the National Front of Iran, such as Abolhassan Bani Sadr and Dariush Forouhar, the dominant discourse of the Fourth National Front from its establishment in 1977 until the last few months of the Pahlavi regime was ‘constitutionalism and support for the constitution’. In the last months leading up to the 1979 revolution, this discourse moved toward republicanism and overthrow. To understand this process, we directly interpreted the statements, speeches of the leaders, and the articles of the publication of the National Front organization using the textual discourse analysis method. In this method, the parameters related to the discourses of legalism, revolution, overthrow, republicanism, constitutionalism, etc. have been explored. Based on the results, this change in the discourse of the National Front took place gradually, and the National Front of Iran evolved from an intra-governmental opposition to a group opposed to the establishment of the regime, with a three-point declaration in Paris in November 1978. However, some contradictions can be seen in the discourse of the National Front during this period, which is mostly due to political and partisan interests.

Contrary to the view that evaluates how Shah Ismail Safavid gained power and established a state solely through the mechanism of military power, the study of the war narratives to found this state shows the opposite trend. In other words, the leaders of the Safavid movement, as well as the historiographical sources of the Safavid era, emphasizes the acquisition of legal and legitimate power by Shah Ismail I in the wars to establish the Safavid state. This article explained why and how this was the case with a historical approach and through resource analysis. The results showed that in the wars he waged to establish the Safavid state, Shah Ismail I demonstrated military actions against his rivals and opponents, in addition to using the sword power of the Ghezelbas, based on Shari’a law. This attitude was reflected in the historiography of the Safavid period in the form of three theological-jurisprudential approaches. The first and second approaches were based on the establishment of the Safavid state based on the philosophy of Jihad in Dar al-Kufr and the struggle against the heretics and hypocrites. The introduction of such a view in historical narratives gave the necessary religious and political legitimacy to Shah Ismail’s wars and also justified the establishment and longevity of the Safavid state. Relying on such an attitude also legitimized elimination of non-Muslim and Muslim rivals. The third approach was to fight the Baghiyan and Taghiyan. This view was a precise justification for recreating King Ismail's wars in Muslim lands.