پژوهشنامه تاریخ های محلی ایران
سال دهم شماره 20 (بهار و تابستان 1401)

Isfahan lacked suitable sanitation during the Qajar era. Some significant issues were the lack of healthy drinking water, unsanitary baths, and sewage disposal. In the Zell-e-Sultan period, due to some corrective measures, the health condition of the city improved partly. Based on the documents, newspapers, and publications related to the subject and using descriptive-analytical and library methods, this article aimed to answer the questions of what changes the public health of Isfahan underwent around 1325-1285 AH, and what was the perception and approach of the elites and society towards it. The findings showed that the government performed reforms such as moving contaminated production centers like tanneries out of the city, paving dirt alleys, banning the transportation of corpses to Atabat, founding a city doctors' association, building hospitals, and efforts for the hygiene of water, sewage, and baths in Isfahan with the help of the elites. However, despite the measures and attempts of newspapers to increase public awareness in the field of modern health, this structure was not stable, which could be attributed to the society's general perception and approach, especially the rulers and elites, to the issue of health. Because the health measures of the government in this period should be explained in the form of ancient philosophy, the duty of the sultan to protect the subjects and prosperity of the country, and among the charitable works and the long-standing tradition of endowment in the society, not as one of the stable and infrastructural functions of the government.

Fars was one of the Major landowner areas in the country, and a large part of this area was the territory of tribes and nomads of the southern regions of the country whose rulers were the owners of many properties in Fars and allowed many atrocities against their subjects. The agricultural lands in the country's southern regions had a completely different situation from the northern and western territories of the country in terms of quality and fertility due to the weather conditions and soil type. The question raised in this research was: what was the situation of significant owners and small owners and types of ownership interest in Fars on the eve of land reforms? According to the findings of the research, many of the owners of Fars were among the majority of the country's owners in only the area of land, vast but low-yielding lands that did not have much income due to water scarcity and successive droughts. Therefore, most of the owners of these areas, even though they were among the big owners of the country, were not very rich, and many had to hand over some of their lands to rich people or merchants every year due to their debts. And since these owners were not engaged in any other profession, they were very dependent on the income of their properties and ownership interests. The research method was analytical-descriptive and based on library and documentary sources.

The concept of "childhood" is one of the relatively neglected concepts in the science of history, and the field of "children's punishments" is neglected more than "childhood". In modern criminal law, juvenile delinquents have inalienable rights such as living in a separate place from adult prisoners. In this article, the formation of new ideas about children and the punishment of children is considered and the main question is “Why, despite the formation and establishment of Tehran's " reformatories ", do we still repeatedly see their basic rights being ignored?” The current research hypothesis implies the idea that the main causes for the violent and abusive behavior towards children was the placement of Tehran's reformatories in the proximity of prison of the capital, Qasr Prison. And it seems that the proximity of these two institutions has been the main cause of the violation of children's rights. One of the important contributions of this study for those involved in the current correctional centers is that proximity of adult prisons to reformatories has been a major cause of child abuse by adult prisoners. Therefore, the place of reformatories should be as far away from prisons as possible.

There are numerous historical analyzes about the process of the conquest of Iran by the Muslims, but the importance and determining the influence of the developments of the border regions and cities of Mesopotamia in the late Sassanid era have not been paid much attention to and have been neglected. In the first stage of the advance of the Muslims in the territory of the Sassanid in the year 12 AH, which were mainly in the desert areas south and west of Mesopotamia in present-day Iraq, they managed to defeat the Sassanid border guards and troops in Kazima (Hufeir), Madhar, Walja, Ullais, Hirah, and Anbar. According to the findings of this historical-geographical research, at this stage of the conquest of the Sassanid territory, considering that most of these wars took place in the desert areas or on the edge of the desert, the Muslim Arabs took advantage of their adaptability to such geographical conditions and moved quickly in the desert areas. And by surprising the Sassanid border guards, they imposed their power and supremacy on them. These lightning victories killed the military and political splendor of the Sassanids against the Muslim Arabs, and the Muslims secured their presence in Mesopotamia by dominating the two important and strategic cities of Hirah and Anbar and the desert areas of Transoxiana and laid the groundwork for the entire conquest of Iraq and then Iran. Given the importance, impact, and consequences of this phase of the conquest of the west and south of the Sassanid territory, it can be considered as the phase - when the Muslim Arabs attacked the border areas and attacked the border cities- that the gate of the conquest of Iran was practically opened for the Muslim Arabs.

Sufism, which following the collapse of the Ilkhanate had gradually entered the social, economic, and political spheres, continued to play a significant role in these fields during the Uzbek domination on Transoxiana. Meanwhile, the Naqshbandiyya Tariqa was more important due to its spread and numerous followers. The influential Naqshbandi families, which had a large presence in the Timurids and Sheibanids periods, also maintained their influence, prestige, and close relations with the government during the Ashtarkhanid period. However, relations between the various Naqshbandi families and the Khans of Ashtarkhanids were not necessarily the same. The study of political actions and roles of Naqshbandi families and the factors affecting that in the Ashtarkhanids period has been the subject of the present study. According to the findings of this study, Naqshbandi sheikhs, showed a wide range of interaction and confrontation with the government, whilst they themselves were at the top of the pyramid of power for a short time. Mediation among rulers, military activity, and governance were some of the roles played by Naqshbandi sheikhs in the political arena of this period. The Sufi sheikhs' approach to the Khans was rooted in their local, family, and public interests. While the Naqshbandi families living in Bukhara, in the main seat of the Ashtarkhanian government, to maintain the status quo, were mainly looking for interaction and good relations with the Khans of the time, the Naqshbandi sheikhs of Samarkand, with the aim of changing the situation for the benefit of their state, often sided with the opponents of Bukhara.

The coup against Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh supported by foreign powers on August 19, 1953, was the beginning of a new era in Iran's parliamentary history of Iran. After this incident, the parliament and elections were completely under the supervision of the government and its officials. The province of Kermanshah, located in the west of Iran, due to its geographical location and special importance, and a branch of the British and Iranian Oil Company was operating there, was greatly affected by this coup, and this, willy-nilly, also led to the political action of the city's activists. The present article, with a descriptive-analytical method and relying on available sources, documents, and official papers, attempted to answer the question: “what was the process of holding the 18th National Assembly elections in the Kermanshah constituency, and what was the result?” The results of the research show that the political participation of the people and the former activities of this city in the elections decreased after the overthrow of the national government, and with their isolation, the result of the elections was determined by the government and local influential related to the government. The elections of this period have been the first stage of complete governmental and legislative elections, which continued until the end of the Pahlavi period.

Examining the relations between tribes and tribes is one of the important topics of Iranian history. This issue is more important in the Safavid period, especially in the western regions of Iran, due to the hostile relations with the Ottoman government. In this article, the activism of two Kurdish clans of this region, namely Ardalan and Zanganeh, has been analyzed analytically in regional, national and inter-territorial developments. What are the main components of their internal relations (with each other) and external relations (with the central government of Iran and the Ottoman Empire) and what has been the impact of these relations on regional developments? In this research, it is descriptive-analytical and by referring to the main sources, especially local Kurdish and Persian sources, focusing on the research question, extracting historical data, and after measuring and evaluating the content, it is set with an analytical approach.The results of the research show that during the Safavid era, the mentioned clans, especially the Ardalan clan, which had the sovereignty of the Kurdistan states, were among the political and military activists in the west of the country and gained great importance. In this period, on the one hand, with the type of relations they established with the Safavid government and on the other hand, due to the constant conflicts they had with each other, they created the ground for the emergence of annexation unrest in the states of Kurdistan and Kermanshahs, which sometimes attacked the central government as well. had faced challenges. At the end of the Safavid government, the internal weakness of the Ardalan clan and the forced dispersion of people from the Zanganeh clan in different regions of Iran by the order of the Safavid kings, gradually led them to avoid conflict and desire to interact with each other.

One of the most important consequences of the invasion and conquest of Iran by the Mongols in the 7th century of Hijri (13 AD) was the drastic population fluctuations in different states. In the meantime, Shiraz, as the capital of Pars state under the command of Atabakan Fars, despite the lack of political unity and internal division, was able to escape the Mongol invasion and its consequences. This article aimed to investigate the population structure and the factors affecting the growth and decline of the Shiraz population in a descriptive and analytical method based on library and field studies of cemeteries. The findings of this study show that until the time of Atabak Abu Bakr, Shiraz witnessed an increase in population due to the influx of immigrants from big cities affected by Mongol attacks and internal security. But wars and insecurity that occurred after Atabak Abu Bakr, the attacks of Nekodrian (677 and 680 AH), famine (680 AH), and infectious diseases (698 AH), etc. reduced the population of Shiraz and the population began to decline. However, it was crowded and prosperous during the time of Abu Ishaq Inju (752-725) and Ibn Battuta Shiraz.

With the establishment of the constitutional system, changes were made in some elements of the Iranian bureaucracy. The Iranian judiciary was not excluded from those changes, and with the passage of the constitutional amendment, the new order that was being established was affected. One of the branches of the judiciary that changed under the new order was the state judiciary. Kerman province was one of the first states in which a new judiciary was formed after the constitutional revolution. The present study aims to answer this question with the method of historical studies and descriptive-analytical approach while studying the comparative study of the judicial formations of Kerman in the period before and after the constitutional revolution. Findings show that the constitutional revolution based on the law establishing the Supreme Justice caused changes in the judiciary, organizational structure, judicial arrangements, and financial resources of the Kerman judiciary. Based on the documents of the National Archives of Iran, private archive documents, unpublished documents of the British Consulate in Kerman, newspapers, and first-hand sources, this study intends to explain and evaluate the impact of the Constitutional Revolution on part of the Iranian bureaucracy in the states.

Social movements are the breaking point of the long-standing system of relations within space and its transformation in terms of meaning and production of new spaces. Therefore, the present study aims to find the transformation of space in one of the most important contemporary social movements, namely the Constitutional Revolution in the Qajar period, and show how the interaction between social/spatial affairs led to a change in the spatial concept of Tehran in that period. The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between urban space and the events of the Constitutional Revolution and the symbolic transformation of urban spaces resulting from this social action. The method of the present study was historical-descriptive and the collecting data was done based on the library (documentary) and field (visiting buildings) methods. The results of the research show that in the Constitutional Revolution, three different stages of consumption, production, and spatial confrontation can be observed. In the first stage, events begin in the body of a space that is historically considered legitimate, and then social action creates and represents its spaces, and everyday spaces become part of a new symbolic system of urban space. In the third stage of the revolution, we are faced with the metamorphosis of the spatial concept, the change of the symbolic meaning of pre-existing spaces, and the attempt to occupy the designated spaces to confront the groups involved in the revolution.

Kerman has always been an independent satrapy, province, and nation from the Achaemenid period until the end of the Sassanid period, and was sometimes governed by the Sassanid princes. After the conquest by the Muslim Arabs, this province was not an independent province until the 1950s, because it was annexed to Khorasan from the second half of the first century AH to about 129 AH (or 156 AH/ 779 AD). The geographical location of Kerman and the distance of this region from the center of the Caliphate caused this province to become the center of many political, economic, social, and cultural challenges. Using the descriptive-analytical method and relying on library sources, this research investigated the policies and actions of Umayyad governors in the administration of Kerman by analyzing the problems and challenges they faced. The results showed that the measures of groups opposed to the Caliphate such as the Khawarij, people's dissatisfaction, tax pressures, and the independence of governors and government officials had made the administration of Kerman face many challenges. The Umayyads sent many governors and tried to bring the situation under their control by applying violent and strict policies. However, their lack of tolerance towards the people of Kerman caused the loss of the security and economic status of this province and turned Kerman into a center of rebellions more than before.

From the end of the Qajar dynasty, tax collection was given to the Ghavam-ol-Molk family in some parts of present-day Hormozgan, such as Rudan and Ahmadi, but in 1316, Bandar Abbas, Rudan, and Minab became part of the eighth province with Kerman as its center. From 1313 AH, disputes arose between Ibrahim Khan Qavam and the owners of Rudan over agricultural lands, which lasted for about twenty years. Qavam, based on the tax receipts of Habibullah Khan Qavam, registered all the good lands and even endowments in his name. The owners of Rudan also responded to this action to seek their rights. Thus the twenty-year conflict between the two sides began a. This article aims to answer the question of what factors contributed to the prolongation of the legal dispute between Ibrahim Qavam and the owners of Roudani and determine the final result. The data were collected mainly from the Islamic Council Documentation Center (Kamam) and the National Documentation Center (Sakma). Findings show that Ibrahim Ghavam tried to take ownership of the Rudan lands by relying on factors such as influencing the royal court, British support, using the guerrillas of the Fars region and the Taherzai tribe, as well as bribing local officials. But finally, factors such as the fall of the Qawam family's position in the Pahlavi court, the rise of Mossadegh, and the emergence of an anti-British atmosphere, as well as the continuous efforts of the Rhodan people, failed the Qawam family in achieving their goal.