فصلنامه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 60 (پاییز 1401)

The purpose of this research is to examine the concept of citizenship rights after the Islamic revolution, which has had a dual definition in different eras. On the one hand, based on the principle of democracy and independence, the rights of the nation are recognized, and on the other hand, according to the provisions of the constitution, the term citizenship and citizenship rights have not been discussed directly, therefore, the society and governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran needs a more accurate approach. The present article is based on Brian Turner's theory to understand citizenship and citizenship rights during the Islamic Republic period and by using library documents and sources and descriptive-analytical method, it tries to answer this question, why the concept of citizenship rights in the post-Islamic revolution period has never been able to be properly defined. and to receive accurate information and what were the factors and obstacles to the realization of this based on Turner's theory. This research seeks to find the causes and obstacles that have caused the non-realization of citizenship rights in the Islamic Republic. The result of the research shows that despite the efforts of the governments to realize this, due to the lack of elite consensus, the lack of explicit definition in the constitution, neglect of non-governmental organizations and differences in the creation of a single political and social identity among the society, during these 4 decades, the rights Citizenship could not be fully realized in Iranian society.

The relationship between fundamental rights and freedoms and the national security of countries is one of the most challenging issues in constitutional law. The climax of confronting fundamental rights and freedoms is when there is an accusation or a crime against national security based on which damage to the sovereignty, authority, interests, interests, independence and territorial integrity of the country is raised. The peak of the conflict between fundamental rights and freedoms is raised with crimes against national security. Therefore, what is of fundamental importance in criminal protection of fundamental rights and freedoms is how to provide mechanisms to realize national security. The aim of the current research is to investigate the approach of c. A. Iran is against fundamental rights and freedoms with an emphasis on national security crimes. The answer that can be given to this question is that the categories of society's interest and system's expediency, people's public security, public rights and interests, and the political system, all seek to realize the principle of national security. In this view, national security is not a separate concept from public rights, and adopting punishment and defining crimes to deal with those who disrupt the order and security of citizens, is an effort to realize a safe life for the people. Rulings such as muharibeh, sedition and corruption in the land, which are mostly related to people who seek to disrupt the order and security of the society, can be interpreted in the same direction. Also, fundamental rights and freedoms are not subject to crimes against national security as long as they take public security and interests of the system into consideration. The current research with a descriptive-analytical approach seeks to investigate the concern raised in this article, which was done by collecting material from documentary and library sources.

The present article investigates and studies the position of Islamic resistance forces in the politics of Iran in the Middle East. The main question of the article is: What is the role of Islamic resistance groups in foreign policy? A. Iran plays in the Middle East region? The hypothesis that is raised following this question is: the use of Islamic resistance groups by J. A. Iran should be considered in the framework of the principle of self-help, which foreign policy c. A. Iran follows its neighbors and Middle East countries. The results of the research show that, firstly, the Islamic Republic of Iran uses the self-help policy - which the Islamic resistance groups are the means of realizing - according to its ideological, geopolitical and security requirements, and secondly, this regime, in line with its transnational goals. prefers supporting Islamic resistance groups over regional cooperation and alliances in the Middle East. In the present study, the research method is a descriptive-analytical qualitative method and the discussed data were collected through library sources and in the form of surveys.

Iran's Islamic Revolution created a new identity in the Middle East by relying on religious values and norms and highlighting political Islam. This identity has affected the country's national security in many ways. This means that national security in c. A. Iran has political, economic, cultural and identity dimensions that have been formed not only in the internal borders, but also in the external borders and the creation of a revolutionary and resistance-based identity. This is because many governmental and non-governmental political groups have been formed in the Middle East region, which have been influenced by the teachings and slogans of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and from the perspective of constructivism, a common identity based on resistance has emerged. The aim of the current research is to investigate the role of resistance axis in identity-giving to the dimensions of national security c. A. It is Iran. This question is raised, in what ways does the axis of resistance affect J.A.'s national security? Has Iran made an impact? In response, it can be said that the axis of resistance in the economic dimension will strengthen Iran's economic influence among the countries of the Middle East region, in the security dimension it will expand and deepen Iran's military power, and in the political dimension it will continue the message of the Islamic Revolution in order to confront the arrogant regimes. will be The policy of resistance against Takfiri terrorism is interpreted by the interventionist policies of the United States of America and the Zionist regime, and it has also changed the regional power in Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Lebanon and even Bahrain in favor of Shiite groups. The axis of resistance as a continuation of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution has a significant role in the regional power of J.A. Iran and the increase of its deterrence power to realize the principles and goals of the revolution, including confronting global arrogance. In this article, the descriptive and analytical method and the theoretical framework of constructivism have been used.

According to Islamic principles, the sovereignty belongs to God, which was then delegated to the Prophet, and according to Shia beliefs and the principle of Imamate, it has been continued in the authority of Imams. Therefore, one of the issues in the history of Shia political thought has been the usurpation of governments and the permissibility or impermissibility of cooperating with the government. Such principles put the issue of how jurists cooperate with the established political system in the focus of analysis. In this regard, the main question of this article is on what patterns was the relationship between the sultan and the jurist until the Qajar era based on? The hypothesis of the article is that the sultan-jurist relationship has changed due to the evolution in social and political relations and has been able to be reconstructed according to the requirements of the time according to the possibilities that exist in Shia jurisprudence. The findings of the article have shown that the dual model of the Sultan-Faqih, during different historical eras, has progressed from arash to cooperation, which has provided the theoretical-historical foundations for the realization of the Velayat Faqih in the final period. The theoretical framework of the research is developed from the perspective of the history of political thought. The method of the article is descriptive-historical and the data has been collected in a library-documentary manner.

This article will deal with the impact of US sanctions on Iran's economic diplomacy towards Russia, as one of the main players in the international political scene. The main question of the article is, what was the pattern of Iran and Russia's economic diplomacy during the years 2012 to 2020 due to the sanctions policies of the United States? Therefore, the hypothesis of the article is that the sanctions approach of the West and especially the United States towards Iran has led to the expansion of Iran's economic relations with Russia. The results of the research show that policies based on sanctions and pressure from the West have led to the foreign policy of c. A. From the beginning of the revolution, Iran should be designed based on looking to the East in different dimensions. This has more or less continued in Rouhani's government. The analysis of the data shows that this policy in the economic dimension is based on Iran's dependence on economic imports from Russia, rather than having a balance. Western policies have been implemented. This article, relying on the analytical-descriptive method and using library resources and using the conceptual framework of economic diplomacy, sought to answer the main question.

Although banking is basically a new phenomenon, nevertheless, in Islam, there have been regulations for all kinds of economic and financial activities. With the formation of the modern government in Iran and the entry of new institutions, including the bank, the issue of its ratio and Sharia rulings has been the focus of jurists, and after the Islamic revolution, this topic has gained special importance. Since the system of the Islamic Republic is based on the theory of velayat al-faqih and the ruling jurist has a superior theory in system building, therefore, the difference of opinion of the jurists is not considered here. The main question of this article is, how is Islamic banking related to the modern government in the theory of velayat faqih? The hypothesis of the article is that the Shia jurisprudence and specifically the theory of the jurisprudence after the constitution with three theoretical innovations (thematics, the area of freedom of the Sharia, and fiqh al-musleha) has been able to absorb many phenomena of the new age and can adopt the same approach. For banking as well. Therefore, banking and money, in some ways, is a departure from many jurisprudence rulings, which is subject to the requirements of the modern era, and sometimes it is in the area of freedom of the Sharia, and sometimes it is a subject of the expediency of the government and the customs of the time. The article concluded that the capacity of dynamic Shia jurisprudence has been able to analyze and prescribe these new issues according to their institutional contexts. The method of the article is descriptive-analytical and the data has been collected in library and document form.

The United Nations Security Council, as an institution responsible for maintaining and ensuring international peace and security, has played an effective role in the crisis of the Iraq war against Iran. The current research aims to examine the responsibility of the Security Council for the identification of the belligerent aggressor. The question of the article is: Based on the peacekeeping operation, what duties did the Security Council have regarding the war between Iraq and Iran? The hypothesis is: introducing and identifying the threat from the aggressor, establishing a cease-fire, determining damages and handing over the aggressor to international institutions to establish justice, are elements of peacekeeping operations by the Security Council, which have never been strictly implemented against Iraq. has not been The results of the research indicate that taking responsibility for the identification of war aggressors as well as ensuring international peace and security, in addition to being responsible for governments, also creates responsibility for international organizations such as the Security Council. . For this reason, in addition to the country of Iraq, which initiated the war against Iran, the United Nations Security Council is responsible, both during the war and today, when the question of receiving compensation for Iran is raised. In addition, the neutral countries that did not respect the principle of neutrality during the war are participants in the war and are therefore required to pay compensation. The current research has used the descriptive and analytical method and the theoretical framework of peacekeeping operations.

This article is dedicated to examining the evolution of nationalist discourse in the Qashqa’i tribe. The importance of the issue is that in the pan-Turkism atmosphere that is propagated today by some countries in the region, the Qashqa’i tribe, as the largest Turkic-speaking tribal union in the south of the country, will inevitably be exposed to this atmosphere in order to identify vulnerabilities of the Qashqa’i tribe. In this regard, it is necessary to study the historical background of Iranian nationalism in this tribe and therefore the present article addresses the question of how the evolution of nationalist discourse in the Qashqa’i tribe was from the Mashroteh to the Islamic Revolution. And this hypothesis has been tested that in the period under study, the main structure of the discourse of nationalism in this tribe is still preserved and in some cases strengthened, although elements of divergence remain in their culture. The approach of the article is political sociology and the method of collecting information, reviewing historical texts and interviewing Qashqa’i informants and the research model of discourse theory of Turkish scholar Umut Ozkirimli. The result of the research shows that the discourse of Qashqa’i drill nationalism has deep and historical roots and there is not much concern about its vulnerability at the macro level, although some vulnerabilities can be seen and steps must be taken to address them.