نشریه پژوهش سیاست نظری
پیاپی 32 (پاییز و زمستان 1401)

Conceptual history is a theoretical approach to the modern understanding of political thought and action over time and in the context of sociopolitical transformations. In this approach, concepts are rooted in social developments; In such a way that with the change and development in the society and the field of action, the concepts also change in terms of meaning and function. The question of this essay is how to understand and interpret the relationship between political practice and political theory and whether conceptual history can explain this relationship in a way that the researcher, besides exploring it, fulfills his responsibility of constructing a better society and a better world. The assumption is that conceptual history can both present the most appropriate interpretation of the quality of existence of affairs and opens horizon of future for intervening social affairs; in a way that the realm of the researcher’s action in a position of a theoretical actor is determined. Using descriptive and analytical method, this essay introduces conceptual history. This article seeks to comprehend and interpret conceptual history in the context of modern understanding.

The purpose of this article is to answer the question of what is the position of the "non-western other" in the theory of "Axel Honet" and what are the aspects and coordinates of non-inclusion in Honet's theory of ethics.. Therefore, the first part of this article is devoted to the explanation of the fundamentals of Axel Honte's theory of ethics. The second part of the article is devoted to criticisms that have entered into the whole theory of Haunt. The focus of this part is to shed light on things regarding the exploited class and the humiliated gender, as well as doubting the liberating ability of the theory of values and its abstraction from the structures of domination and power. But in the third part, which is the main topic of the article, the value science is examined in connection with the non-western other. Finally, we try to explain the predicament of the non-western other, which is fundamentally invisible.

Arab uprisings, interpreted by many as spring or awakening, failed in its core objectives of achieving freedom and democracy. The path to freedom by these nations soonwas highjacked and replaced by violence. This includes Islamic Fundamentalist groups such as ISIS and al-Qaeda, authoritarian regimes, and militant groups in Iraq, Syria and Yemen have displayed new dimensions of unbridled violence through the capacity of audio-visual media. In fact, violence has become an instrument for various political and military actors to represent their strength through it in these regions. Hence, the importance of this variable and the role it plays in recent developments in the countries as part of the Arab uprisings has led the authors to study the causes and consequences of the formation of violence, especially with political motives, around the question of what are the central characteristics of political violence from Dellaporta's point of view? Therefore, in this study an attempt is made to analyze this phenomenon in an intellectual and discourse format with an analytical-explanatory approach and by referring to Donatella Dellaporta's opinions in the field of political violence by referring to library and internet sources. The research hypothesis is based on the principle that political violence, especially hidden violence, is a complex and multidimensional process that has its own mechanisms. In fact, hidden political violence is the result of multi-faceted interaction and confrontation between the government and social groups and activists according to the available facilities and capacities.

Following the “emotional turn” in International Relations, emotions since the 2000shave increasingly been regarded as a significant feature of international life. Thus collective memories (particularly traumatic memories together with emotions)and the narratives constituting collective memory have become prominent issues in the contemporary study of international relations and foreign policy. The historical experience of trauma can in particular shape narratives and emotions hence influencing identity and agency; and hereby impacting foreign policy through legitimization and de-legitimization of specific foreign policy actions. What is less discussed in the literature is the conditions and the degree of their overall impact. This article seeks to develop a framework for the study of the ways in which significant traumatic narratives affect emotions, and hence it will seek to identity its related agenciesand actions within the context of foreign policy. On the basis of a few traumatic narratives in the history of Iranthis article subsequently develops a number of hypotheses about the impacts of traumatic narratives on foreign policy as a basis for empirical studies and research.

Since the entrance of celebrities into the modern political arena several decades have passed. The increase of personalism, populism and the dramatization of politics are only a few of the consequences of the presence of celebrities in politics.. Despite this, this phenomenon has been intentionally or unintentionally left out of serious academic discussions or completely ignored, and therefore there is a great theoretical void felt within it. Although some thinkers have set forth the new concept of celebritization of society, the subject has largely remained at the level of sociology and has not been extended into the political science. This is where the upcoming research tries to fill th the gap of theory in the field of politics and to pave the way for further research on such a common phenomenon in today's politics, to identify the forces that shape the celebrityization of politics and elaborate on its indicators..To achieve this goal and by using the theory of celebrityization of society, the authors put forward the hypothesis that the forces that shape celebrityization include network governance, mediaization, and presidentialization of politics, which lead to the following indicators: politicization, informalization of politics, decline of parties. Politics and the emergence of new citizens and everyday makers. The method of collecting documentary and library information and the method of judging the data is based on referring to the first category sources and analyzing them to provide the documents needed in examining the hypothesis.

In this paper, it will be argued that, contrary to the prevailing practice in Iran from the mid-1990s to the present, Michel Foucault's Discourse Analysis (FDA) cannot be used separatelyas a mere method in various fields of humanities andwithout considering its philosophical-ideological bases. FDA stems from his particular ideological perspective of the course of modern times from the renaissance to the end of the enlightenment (14th to the 18th century) and derives from particular philosophical and ontological sources that Foucault deeply believed them. In other words, there is an organic unity between FDA, as a method, and its philosophical content, and the fact that Foucault turned to Discourse Analysis and adopted it as a seemingly new method in analyzing the history of the new age was notarbitrary but a deliberate choice. In fact, it came from his own philosophical logic; alogic that is consistent with G. W. F. Hegelian historicism, which Foucault ostensibly opposed.Hegelianism, with its deterministic logic, develops an organic view of history that is consistent with Foucault's structural and institutional view of power. . On the other hand, Hegelian historicism does not place importance on the role of humans in the formation of historical events, and this feature is also fully compatible with Foucault's theory of the subject's death.Thus, one can use Foucault's discourse analysis only as a method of analyzing various subjects if one firmly believes in its ideological foundations, such as the death of man.

The dominant view among liberal and Marxist thinkers indicates that the ruling power seeks to adopt a legal order within a specific territory. Therefore, the ruling power is considered as a system of legal obligations and prohibitions that are applied withinthe law. But thinkers such as "Michel Foucault" and "Gilles Deleuze" recognize a gap in governance mechanisms. Foucault believes that since the 17thand 18thcenturies, instead of legal prohibitions, the government sought to shape its subjects in a positive way and tried to cultivate normal and obedient subjects. In the continuation of Foucault's studies, Gilles Deleuze continues that 20thcentury governments by regulatory ways, tryto lead the subjects towards their goals. In consequence, this article tries to address the question of what factor causes change in the way of governance in Foucault's and Deleuze's thought? The phenomenological examination of the opinions of these two thinkers shows that the root of innovation to governancelies in power.

The relationship between practical philosophy and theoretical philosophy is an old topic in the history of political philosophy. This relationship in the old philosophical system is mainly a secondary relationship between practical philosophy and theoretical philosophy.But the important issue is the degree of adherence of practical philosophy to theoretical philosophy, and the effect that one has on the other. Based on this assumption, the present article will argue on what this relationship is in the tenth century Abu Nasr M. Farabi's political philosophy, and the extent of his theoretical philosophy's influence on the reproduction of practical philosophy. For this purpose, by relying on a cognitive method in ancient philosophy (i.e., analogy) an attempt has been made to show how Farabi reproduced his political philosophy by placing theoretical philosophy as a basis. The article argues that Farabi has extracted his political philosophy from the heart of theoretical philosophy in a one-sided action, and this action has reached the reproduction of theoretical philosophy in political philosophy. By focusing on theoretical philosophy and transferring propositions from theoretical philosophy to political philosophy, Farabi doesnot recognize the need to re-evaluate the propositions transferred to political philosophy. In a similar context by matching one of these two to the other using the method of analogy or analogy, Farabi practically has seen no need to reassess his propositions in political philosophy.Therefore, his task as a political philosopher in describing the utopia and desirable order and the non-ideal and non-ideal cities is completed in a place that has not yet moved far from theoretical philosophy. In this article, an attempt has been made to show how the independence of political philosophy and its understanding in his opinions is subject to theoretical philosophy, relying on the method that Farabi has chosen to achieve political philosophy, and how this issue has caused his commentators to have very different views from each other.

While the relationship between religion and politics is considered one of the basic issues in the study of the political thought system and action of the Sassanid era, the prevailing idea is that the politics and commanding of this era was mostly in the hands of Mobdanbar, the circuit and clergies in Zoroastrianism, to strengthen and consolidate it. Sassanid politics is thus considered to be religion-oriented.. This research is an effort to rethink this familiar concept by re-reading the relationship between religion and politics in the light of the comparative study of the text "Letter of Tansar to Goshnasp" with the ideas of "Machiavelli" in this field. From this reading, it seems that the strategy and approach of the Sassanid founders in relation to the categories of religion and politics should not be considered religion-oriented, but rather as Iran-oriented and Iranist. The axis of their political action and thought is in consequence political and Iranian, using the tools of religion.

 Herat was formerly one of the important centers of Islamic thought and power withinthe Khorasan school. This city has been the place of emergence of great scientists and thinkers throughout the history. During the period of Timurids (14th century C.E.), connection of thought and power eventually led to the emergence of the political school of Herat. Abdur Rahman Jami, as the leader of this school, played an undeniable role in the growth and excellence of Herat's political school. Jami was an intellectual mentor who made the interaction of mysticism and politics possible for the first time in the history of Islam. The Timurid power system and court was soon influenced by Jami's thought and crystallized in the behavior and actions of political agents in the context of the society .This article seeks to answer the question of what constituted Jami's political thought that helped shape the political school of Herat? This article, with the goal-legitimacy framework of "John Murrow" and Quentin Skinner's interpretive hermeneutic method, aims to examine the most important concepts produced by Jami's thought thatentered into the political system of his era by him and his students.

The purpose of this article is to analyse institutionalization obstacles of political parties in quasi-democratic systems. These systems have a combination of democratic appearance and authoritarianism contents, and lack institutionalized competition between political parties. What is most evident in such systems is the formation of groups centering on prominent individuals and, in effect, changing to mere means to expand their influence. In this study, such parties are recognized as‘entrepreneur parties.’ The hypothesis is the short-comingsconcerned withpolitical culture, laws, regulations, and criteria of judgement, and the performance of political competition, leading to the formation of theentrepreneur party, an organization that does not benefit from the institutional tradition and continue to exist only under prominent figures. In this study, the descriptive-analytical method is based on library data.The aim of this paper is to introducethe comprehensive set of institutional arrangements in quasi-democratic systems that affect the nature of political parties’ organizations and to provide a better understanding of the party-centered relations in quasi-democratic systems.

Waqf [a system of land-based charitable endowment], as rooted in historical and religious traditions in Iran and the Islamic world, has always been a topic of interest for believers, philanthropists, statesmen, and of course those who have benefited from it in different social groups and classes. For a long time, the mechanisms of waqf as a non-governmental and traditional institution have been very influential on various social, political, economic, and cultural structures. Today, with the introduction of the idea of small government and big civil society, these institutions have the potential for attracting renewed attention to revise their internal and external mechanisms and to revitalize their functionality. The main question of this study is as follow: from the standpoint of New Institutionalism, how does waqf as a Sharia-based, society-centered, andnon-governmental institution affect political participation? Our hypothesis is that the practice of waqf facilitates higher degrees of political participation sinceas a non-governmental institution, it takes up some of the responsibilities of the state for social justice, and with a philanthropy that is based in piety and humanism, it contributes to the distribution of wealth and resources. Indeed we can account for different aspects of this mechanism by re-reading the concept of waqf andits historical background from the perspective of New Institutionalism. This research tries to help represent this neglected field by using a qualitative-conceptual method. Findings of this study portrayWaqf in three ways; "Social participation" through focusing on health care, "economic participation" through donations and welfare services, and "political participation" through cultural-educational functions, especially for the needy and disadvantaged groups Governance helps and has the talent to serve as a model of efficient and community-based governance.