نشریه بحران پژوهی جهان اسلام
سال هفتم شماره 2 (پیاپی 18، تابستان 1399)

Therefore, Iranian identity is one of the most important and prominent issues in society and has the greatest importance and necessity in terms of national unity and cohesion. With this explanation of our article, it is necessary to identify the components of this identity and by using the technique of future research, and by emphasizing the scenario writing method, with reference to the trends affecting the Iranian identity in the last four decades (2016-17). Draw possible scenarios of Iranian identity in the next three decades (1425-1395). Data collection, library and descriptive-analytical research methods are combined with scenario writing methods. Probably Iranian identity in the next three decades (1425-1395) with the following scenarios: 1- Expanding the convergence of Iranian-Islamic identity and increasing confrontation with foreign trends 2- Extending the convergence of Iranian-Islamic identity Conditional acceptance with a critical approach to expanding foreign trends 3 - Transformation of Iranian identity due to modernism and unbalanced approach to domestic trends and expansion of foreign trends 4- Ethnic pluralism in Iranian identity due to the unfavorable situation of domestic trends and the expansion of foreign trends will face.

Geopolitics has undergone extensive changes over the last hundred years, and there has always been a complex relationship between a set of geographical factors and political phenomena. On the other hand, regional powers have always established and supported ideologically affiliated forces in different parts of the world in recent decades in order to increase their influence in the geopolitical and hegemonic regions. Lebanon's Hezbollah is also an Iranian-backed ideological group that has played a major role in increasing the Islamic Republic of Iran's regional power and influence in the Middle East in recent years. Among these, geopolitical factors have been among the most important factors in the influence of the Lebanese Hezbollah group in the Middle East. In this regard, the present study uses descriptive-analytical and applied methods to explain the effects of geopolitical factors on the influence of the Lebanese Hezbollah group in the Middle East. The statistical population of the present study consists of all experts and experts in the fields of political geography and political science. In this regard, in order to analyze and prioritize the effects of each geopolitical factor on the influence of Hezbollah in the Middle East, TOPSIS algorithm has been used. . The results showed that cross-border factors, neighborhood position and strategic position are among the most important factors influencing the increase of Lebanese Hezbollah influence in the Middle East.

Public law has become more prominent in the days of the government's increasing involvement in affairs of society and the determination of micro and macro policies through various laws and regulations born of governments, this has led to a decline in the scope of private law. the disappearance of private law can be attributed to the social rights of the people, because the government is the founder of these rules, even in the smallest private matters of individuals. The transition from economic liberalism and liberal governments to the emergence of welfare and regulatory governments has led to the expansion of state laws and the expansion of public law. The premise of this article is based on the principle that the extent of government regulation in the area of private law and the expansion of legislation in its field has led to an increase in the scope of public law,we can speak of an emerging paradigm called "public private law." Private law, all rules of which are born of government institutions and actors in the field of public law.

The purpose of this study is to review and analyze Saudi Arabia's foreign policy in relation to the political developments in Yemen. This research is based on the method of qualitative analysis and relies on the theory of aggressive realism. The study is based on the hypothesis that "The Saudis are taking steps to maintain and create a weak Yemen and keep the country's Shiites away from sources of power, with goals such as restricting Iran, weakening resistance circles in the region, and preventing Yemeni developments from entering its eastern borders." The findings show that Saudi Arabia has pursued a policy of restricting and isolating Tehran-backed Shiite groups in the Yemeni political equation to block Iranian power in West Asia, including Yemen.

This article examines and compares the factors affecting the process and manner of participation of citizens of Qazvin province in the two ninth and tenth parliamentary elections.In this article, factors such as the level of participation of citizens of the province, effective factors in determining this level of participation, the impact of development parameters, the pattern of citizens' voting based on ethnicity and city and other parameters have been analyzed.Then, according to the development parameters, the constituencies of Qazvin province were divided into two categories.According to the results, one of the factors affecting citizen participation is ethnicity and ethnicity. The results show that in the first constituency, which consists of mostly multi-ethnic cities, the factor of ethnicity is less and the voting behavior of citizens according to the pattern of participatory political culture and dynamic political behavior, and in the second category constituencies, which consist of mostly single ethnic cities The factor of more ethnicity and the voting behavior of citizens is in accordance with the pattern of subordinate political culture and passive political behavior.According to statistics, the turnout in the elections of the tenth term has decreased compared to the ninth term, which can be attributed to the citizens' distrust of the candidate's election slogans, economic factors and the effects of these factors, as well as the issue of disqualification of candidates.

In political and economic literature, economies that rely on the revenues of one sector are rentier economies, and if these revenues are paid exclusively to the state treasury, these states are called rentier states. Due to the high abundance of governments whose main source of income is from oil resources, rentier governments are generally referred to as oil monopoly governments or governments with more than 42% of their foreign revenues from oil. Although the vulnerability is an integral part of all political systems, it seems that this vulnerability is much greater in the case of rentier governments. This article focuses on Saudi Arabia and seeks to pathologically and economically pathologize this rentier government. Saudi Arabia, as the world's largest oil producer, is heavily dependent on oil revenues, and all economic resources, including funding and other economic areas, come from oil revenues. However, it has made efforts to diversify its single-product economic structure and engage in trade, shipping, and other activities. Banking and investing in the energy sector, but still plays a significant role in the oil and gas sector in the Saudi economy. The country changed. The political situation is similar, with the reliance on oil revenues leaving an authoritarian state with an undemocratic structure. It has given rise to an authoritarian nature and nature