نشریه پژوهش های روابط بین الملل
سال سیزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 48، بهار 1402)

China is increasingly seeking to define its superior position in the international system during Xi Jinping's administration. In doing so, one of the main strategies of Beijing to expand its economic-political influence in around the world is the “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI), which is a comprehensive infrastructure plan that could be game-changer in the current Great Power competition of the international system between the United States and the People's Republic of China. Regarding this issue, the U.S. during the presidency of Joe Biden, together with its international allies in the “Group of 7” (G7), proposed a rival global initiative with the same infrastructural factors called “Build Back Better World” (B3W) to compete with the Chinese one. This research aims to examine the extent of how much the U.S., along with its main allies, could compete with the Chinese plan through different strategies. The main finding of the research is that the “Established Power” and the “Rising Power” of international system are in a strategic competition for global supremacy in conducting these initiatives with different spheres of political, economic and ideological worldviews. By applying the “Realism School” theory, the research examines the strategic competition between U.S. and China as the great powers of the International System. Based on the research question, the methodology of the paper is qualitative data analysis and the data has been collected from library sources, statements and valid documents from think tanks and international strategic research institutes.

China's global rise over the past few decades has given rise to economic diplomacy in its foreign policy as a tool to help economic growth and pursuing national interests in the international arena. What is striking about this type of Beijing's diplomacy is the use of regional cooperation to advance economic interests in various regions, including South Asia. The main purpose of this article is to examine the multiple dimensions of China's economic diplomacy in this region. Relying on analytical-descriptive method and using various library resources and economic statistics, the present article seeks to provide an answer to the question of what are thce characteristics of China's economic diplomacy in South Asia? In this regard, it can be said that despite the significant economic opportunities in the region for Chinese economic diplomacy, there are significant challenges against it. Findings show that China's economic diplomacy in South Asia benefits from opportunities such as the region's large consumer market, the region's need to attract foreign investment, the transit position of the Indian Ocean, the capacity of the SAARC to develop cooperation and geo-economic and geopolitical opportunities in Gwadar port. Challenges of this type of diplomacy include the presence of rival powers, the fragility of stability and security of regional governments, and competition and economic weakness within the region.

The special pattern of China's development in the past decades has had special features, including the prominent role of state-owned companies in this process. According to various experts, today, parallel to the expansion of China's economic and commercial interactions, these companies have also entered the field of foreign policy decision-making. However, there are serious doubts about the various roles of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in China's diplomatic action. Accordingly, the main question of the article is, parallel to the expansion of China's international interactions, especially in the last two decades, how have state-owned companies affected the foreign policy decision-making process of this country? The answer given to this question as a hypothesis and using the descriptive and explanatory method is that in the process of China's rapid development, structural reforms leading to fragmentation, decentralization and internationalism in the government body, paid the way for state-owned companies to enter the field of foreign policy decision-making as partners (although smaller) which caused the diplomatic action of this emerging superpower to become more numerous and ambiguous. The findings of the article can contribute to a better understanding of China's diplomatic actions and a more accurate and intelligent regulation of relations with this emerging power.

Ethnicity has had important role in socio-political developments in 21 century. This role has been obvious in underdeveloped and developing countries and developed countries. The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the security-political vulnerabilities of this province and Iran's limited access order and to provide solutions within the framework of institutionalism to maintain and increase security in this province. Using the descriptive-analytical method and the methodological-theoretical approach of institutionalism with an emphasis on the limited access orders, this article seeks to answer the question that from the perspective of the theory of institutionalism, what is the relationship between Iran's limited access order and the security and political vulnerabilities of Kurdistan province? The findings of the article indicate that Iran's limited access system by negatively affecting economic, political and social indicators causes its security and political vulnerabilities, and not paying attention to the improvement and promotion of these indicators can escalate the security threats of the province and endanger national security.

Recent revolutionary developments in the Arab world has been dependent on different variables. Among all the variables, foreign forces and actors are the most important ones which have impressed the political future of the Arab world. The reaction and involvement of foreign actors in issues of Arab countries was affected by different variables, such as security, Economic and Political-Ideological interests. Each of these actors had different behavior patterns towards the developments according to their policies. At the regional level, the acts and policies of several state actors including Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Iran and Israel, are particularly important. Therefore, the present study aims to assess the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the recent years’ developments in the Kingdom of Bahrain from the perspective of constructivism. The results of this article shows that Iran’s foreign policy towards the crisis in Bahrain was based on identity components and it seems natural that Iran's foreign policy towards the country is experiencing a phase change

The international system is one of the widely used concepts of international relations,which has evolved under the influence of the assumptions of different theories of international relations.The different tendencies of the paradigm of realism,each based on their meta-theoretical and theoretical foundations,reflect a different approach towards the international system.Accordingly,the current research seeks to answer the question of which of the three generations of realism paradigm has a more comprehensive and accurate explanation about the international system? The present research is based on the hypothesis that the theory of neoclassical realism, as the third generation of the paradigm of realism,has a more comprehensive and accurate explanatory power compared to the first and second generations. Using the descriptive-analytical method,this research compares the nature and components of the international system in the form of four fundamental concepts of the realism paradigm, including anarchy,government, power and balance of power,from the perspective of three generations of the realism paradigm,including classical realism,structural realism,and neoclassical realism.According to the obtained results,neoclassical realists by redefining the role and position of anarchy ruling the international system and dissecting the state as the main actor of the international system, as well as building the concept and function of power and negating the naturalistic approach of classical realists and modifying the structuralist approach of neorealism regarding the balance of power category,show that neoclassical realism While maintaining the fundamental principles of the realism paradigm,realism has a higher explanatory power than the previous two generations.

Mohammed bin Zayed changed the UAE's foreign policy strategy after coming to power in 2004. Moving away from the traditional strategy of defensive policy, bin Zayed adopted a new strategy towards Iran and the Middle East region. Meanwhile, the changes in coalition patterns of the region in the form of the "Ebrahimi Peace" plan in order to unite with Israel, the Arab NATO plan and efforts to strengthen the US military presence in the region, have threatened the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the present study seeks to answer the fundamental question that what opportunities and requirements has Mohammad bin Zayed's foreign policy strategy in the region created for the foreign policy and national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In this article, "Neorealism" is used as a theoretical approach by an explanatory-analytical research method while library methods were used for data acquisition. The findings of the present study indicate that the UAE's growing proximity to Israel, its efforts to establish an Arab front with Egypt and Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi's proximity to the United States, and its widespread confrontation with Iran undermine Iran's national security. These wide-ranging impacts have created the need to reconsider the type of engagement with the UAE at both levels of confrontation and de-escalation.

The aim of the current research is to examine international environmental law with the approach of preserving resources for future generations. Indiscriminate exploitation and the introduction of environmental damage by humans have caused concern in the realization of the rights of future generations. Identifying the rights of future generations is an important step to achieve sustainable development, in this regard, environmental protection and reasonable and fair use of resources in order to achieve a sustainable future by which the rights of future generations are guaranteed. It is the duty of the international community. In this regard, the concept of the rights of future generations, which first entered the field of international law with the ratification of the United Nations Charter in 1945 and was subsequently developed in international environmental law with the issuance of the Stockholm Declaration of 1972. However, the concept of "rights of future generations" as a moral or normative principle faces many ambiguities.

The spread of environmental threats in recent years and their destructive effects on global health, economy, security and geopolitics have brought environmental issues into the context of theories of international relations.The fluid and multifaceted nature of environmental issues has led to different theories of international relations having different orientations towards these issues and their impact on international relationsThe present article examines the emergence of environmentalism and the different and conflicting perspectives of international relations theories on this issue.The paper hypothesizes that the emergence of environmental issues as a security and top policy issue did not lead to the recognition of the emergence of international environmental relations as a source of growing questions for the field.The research findings support the hypothesis and show that while in the past, under the influence of traditional theoretical approaches to international relations and the development of the concept of state-based security, environmental issues were treated as an abstract whole in international relations. ; But fundamental changes in world politics have led to the recognition of the environment and its unpredictable and surprising consequences as one of the main issues in international relations.The result of this environmentalism was the emergence of a green current in theories of international relations that has influenced the concepts and practices of environmental policy and has led to the conceptualization of global governance as a tool and framework for understanding emerging environmental issues. There was also a comprehensive mechanism for cooperation between national governments to address these threats

From the beginning of the Westphalian system until recent decades, national security was defined mainly in the form of military security. While today the centrality of military security has faded and the new issues at the national and international levels that are focused on by world leaders and politicians are environmental issues. In this regard, in order to investigate environmental issues and the impact of these issues on national security, the main question of this article is: Today, considering the climatic and environmental changes, what effect do these changes have on national security? In response to this problem, it has been explained by using documentary and library method and using descriptive-analytical method, and the research findings based on qualitative inference and adaptation-inferential approach show that the issues related to climate and environmental changes are They are interdependent and affect national security and create national threats, and they are: The challenges of climate security, fine dust, water crisis, change of human natural habitat (including global warming, destruction of the ozone layer, etc.) and pollution (acid rain, toxic waste, etc.) The national and transnational strategy of the governments to solve these issues in the future can increase the risk of violent conflict, if not among the governments, at least within the country and weaken the territorial integrity of the state and reduce the economic growth and ultimately weaken needs and rights of the people.Keywords: Climate changes, environmental changes, environmental security and national security