مجله علوم سیاسی
پیاپی 59 (تابستان 1401)

The present research aims to provide a relatively accurate picture of the causes, topics, characteristics, achievements and problems by systematically reviewing the studies related to mass protests in Iran in 2018 and 2018 and by aggregating the results of scattered researches and by achieving a new perspective. These researches give. For this purpose, in this research, taking into account practical possibilities and time limitations, 60 cases (30 studies related to the protests of 1988 and 30 studies related to the protests of 1996) of the existing works between 1388 and 1400 were examined and the necessary information, extracted and analyzed. The obtained results show that in the collection of scientific works related to the protests of 2018, political causes have been given more attention than other causes, and the economic factor has been given less attention than other factors. In general, most of the authors have paid more attention to internal variables and socio-political factors. In the collection of scientific works related to the protests of 2016, social causes have received more attention than other causes, and the cultural factor has received less attention than other factors, and most of the analysts have paid more attention to internal variables and socio-economic factors. In the studies related to collective protest action in 1996 compared to 1988, we see a shift from socio-political factors to socio-economic factors.

Modern Democracy has been facing various crises historically. The current crisis is rooted in a dual origin. On the one hand, orientation to shape a hidden quasi-oligarchic state and, on the other hand, the eternal specter of populism. Where this dilemma originates from and what effects do both have on democratic order? to respond to this central question, the paper hypothesizes that the origin of the dilemma traces back to reductionist conceptions on two dimensions of modern democracy; that is, on the one side, an elitism inherent to liberal-capitalist (more especially, neo-liberal) structures that makes democratic policy-making dependent on the requirements of the capitalist system. On the other side, an implicit populist potentiality of democratic structure weakens the rule of law due to resorting to ‘ordinary people’. To justify the hypothesis, the paper takes advantage of comparative analysis, as a theoretical framework, of approaches to defining democratic legitimacy; i.e. philosophical (normative) and sociological (descriptive). The research is conducted in an analytical–descriptive method and library-based data gathering. In conclusion, overcoming the crisis of modern democracy entails strengthening the participatory quality of democracy to make an equilibrium between the majority and the minority. Participatory democracy seems the structure in which normative and descriptive conceptions of legitimacy can overlap.

The main purpose of this study was to investigate the impact of social networks on the electoral behavior of citizens in terms of propaganda in the 13th presidential election, in the Qasr Shirin constituency, Sar -e Pol Zahab and Gilan Gharb in Kermanshah province. This research was conducted using a researcher -made questionnaire tool. The statistical population of research was citizens over the age of 5 in this constituency who participated in the 13th presidential election. In this study, multi -stage cluster sampling method was used and the sample size was specified using Cochran formula. Data were analyzed using SPSS software. The results of the analysis of the route showed that the advertising variable had an impact on citizens' election behavior with 29 %. It is also the rate of determination coefficient, which indicates that the dependent variable changes (electoral behavior) are explained by independent variables (social network and advertising).

Tradition can be considered the most challenging concept of Iran's contemporary history. In fact, other new concepts and ideas, including modernity and democracy, were understood according to the tradition. For this reason, the political views of contemporary Iranian thinkers, including Seyed Javad Tabatabaie, have been formed around tradition and modernity. The central question and purpose of this research is the meaning and indicators of tradition in Tabatabaie's political thought. By using the explanatory method, it can be said that Tabatabaei, like other Iranian thinkers, before examining modernity, modernity and also drawing his political thought, presented the concept of tradition and its relationship with history, politics, Islamic religion and the life of Iranians. Then he adapted it to modernity. Tabatabaie's attitude towards tradition is a paradoxical one, because he has an inherited attitude towards tradition that should be viewed as a historical identity that has no function in the period of modernity, development and policy making. On the other hand, it synchronizes the Iranian tradition with the authoritarianism, coherence and convergence of Iran, the lack of formation of western democracy in Iran

Identity Policy, with a focus on antagonism toward the West and the United States, is one of the most important sociological sources of legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. This policy is not only the result of the political management of this system, but also is the product of a historical process that began with the delegitimization of the Pahlavi regime, followed by the establishment of the Islamic Republic. This article examines the historical context of the formation of Identity Policy based on conflict with the west and its impact on creating political legitimacy in the Islamic Republic. Findings of the research indicate that within the framework of Identity Policy, the Islamic system has aligned its ideological interests with the historical experiences of the Iranian society in relation to foreign authoritarian interventions, then created a legitimizing policy that, beyond jurisprudential, philosophical and legal reasons, has been able to attract a wide range of society. This result negates some comments about one-sided legitimization by ideological systems. The research is conducted with a qualitative and historical approach, by using David Beetham's analytical model of political legitimacy.