فصلنامه مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران
سال دوازدهم شماره 1 (بهار 1402)

After the Second World War, as globalization forces increased, the majority of nations attempted to reform their educational systems. With the decline of Keynesian policies at the beginning of the 1970s and the dominance of neoliberal policies at the beginning of the 1980s, however, education, like other social sectors, undergoes profound changes and transformations. In this study, we examined the neoliberal transformations of Iran’s public education following the revolution.The subject of this study was investigated using documentary techniques and in-depth interviews. When documents alone were insufficient to answer the research questions, in-depth interviews with informants and subject matter experts were conducted.The findings indicate that various authorities have authorized a number of authorizations and laws to support neoliberal policies. The government’s role in funding education has diminished over the past few decades, with the proportion of education expenses in the government’s overall expenditures decreasing to 10% in 2018 from 19% in 2018. In addition, the number of non-governmental schools has multiplied 64 times in the last three decades due to the implementation of structural adjustment policies and the passage of the non-profit schools law. Additionally, the presence of numerous schools (up to twenty categories of schools) indicates the implementation of school choice policy. The increasing prevalence of special schools — Shahed schools, board of trustees schools, top students schools, and intelligents schools — has also led to the emergence of a form of privatization that we refer to as “endogenous privatization.”Results indicate that developments inspired by neoliberalism have led to the marketization and privatization of education over the past few decades, resulting in educational inequality, commodification of education, and a decline in education quality.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effects of the Covid-19 disease on the citizens of Kurdistan province. What are the social and psychological effects of the epidemic on the citizens and families of the target area? How has this epidemic affected the personal and social relations of citizens and families, especially in less privileged areas such as the outskirts and suburbs of Sanandaj?The current research is a qualitative study of the content analysis type with an inductive approach. Research data and information were collected through semi-structured interviews with academic and non-academic experts and elites, which ended with 15 people reaching theoretical saturation. Based on the findings, the social and cultural effects of the disease include: collective divergence, social anomie, the ineffectiveness of the social support system, livelihood bottlenecks, the transformation of religion and religious propositions, cognitive-cultural discontinuity, crisis in the educational system, and mental-psychological trauma. Also, the main theme introduced in this regard with the title "collective trauma: from disease to disaster" tells about the extent and severity of the consequences of Corona in different dimensions and the possibility of a disaster as a result of not facing the consequences of Corona properly and immediately, especially in less privileged areas.The spread of harmful and disastrous consequences and effects of the corona virus in personal, economic, social and even cultural dimensions, which in the emergence of issues such as personality disorders, anxiety and stress, unemployment and lack of money, crisis in social and collective relations, erosion of all kinds of trust and on top of them Institutional mistrust and even cultural issues such as religious crisis and epistemological discontinuity are influential; Therefore, the spread of the corona virus can be considered as a kind of trauma that has occupied a part of the collective memory of the citizens in Iran and especially in Kurdistan related to some kind of disaster.

The intellectual movement in Iran started with an effort approach to remove the backwardness of the society And in its continuity, it aimed to change the traditional patterns in the society and move towards modernization. Therefore, the role of intellectuals as a motivational driver of the current of transformation and reformism in Iran cannot be denied.In this research, sociological-historical approach and conceptual analysis method were employed. Iranian intellectuals from 1963 to 1978 are the intended audience of this research, for which a documentary study serves as the research instrument. The sampling method is hypothetical. Using the theoretical sampling method, a group of Iranian intellectuals who were the principal representatives of various intellectual currents were examined as members of the sample society.Between 1963 and 1978, the third generation of intellectuals can be classified under the three discourses of leftist, liberal, and religious intellectuals, according to the findings of this study. By analyzing this discourse, it is possible to deduce that, as a result of the closing of the public sphere and the political stalemate in the society after 1963, intellectuals changed their approach in an effort to alter the existing situation.From the study of the role of intellectuals, it can be concluded that the cultural and social capital of intellectuals increased in the decades preceding the 1950s and 1960s due to an increase in university education, greater success in intellectual circles, and the spread of the revolutionary situation. Capitals became the primary source of support for intellectuals and political reformers in order to create the necessary conditions for the demise of the dominant political system.

With the progressive withdrawal of some governments from social responsibilities, cross-border trade has become the primary source of income, and residents of border areas and institutional agents are considering it as an alternative to development. In this way of life, the smuggled goods porterare a symbol of alienation and rejection, as they are perpetually exposed to conflict due to the absence of favorable conditions. The purpose of this study is to examine smuggled goods porter’s social exclusion from the perspectives of non-institutional actors and institutional agents, mediated by life experience and smuggled goods porter’s situation in cross-border trade. In the theoretical section, the critical perspective of theorists such as Foucault, Bourdieu, and Vranken has been utilized to formulate concepts in accordance with the objectives and questions.In accordance with the critical paradigm, critical ethnography was used to conduct research operations in the method section. The target population consists of institutional and non-institutional actors associated with smuggled goods porters in the border trade sector in the town of Baneh.Using targeted and snowball sampling methods, 49 informed and involved participants were chosen for semi-structured interviews.The results demonstrated that smuggled goods porters’ life experience in cross-border commerce was characterized by powerlessness, bureaucratization, suspended citizenship, institutional discrimination, degrading, increasing marginalization, spectacle, an insecure and painful living environment.Smuggled goods porting is a structural and historical phenomenon that has been shaped and maintained by mechanisms, as stated in the conclusion? The social exclusion woven into the fabric of border areas is one of the most significant of these mechanisms. Smuggled goods porting behavior is a result of exclusion, and its perpetuation has been accelerated.

Some sociologists, such as Georg Simmel, have identified alienation and oddity as a characteristic of modern and urbanized societies, with their emergence in metropolitan areas. Cognitive, behavioral, and affective dimensions of apathy are the most prominent theoretical frameworks. According to social specialists, feelings of loneliness and isolation, senselessness and absurdity, abnormality and pessimism are indicators of alienation from family, society, and organizations. It is evident in the social passivity of some citizens. Apathy is defined as a lack of active engagement and participation in social and political activities. One of the primary objectives of planning in the new world is to encourage the active participation and engagement of citizens in all sociopolitical dimensions. Increasing social aphaty is a result of the unfavorable aspects of exogenous modernization, which is exemplified by an overemphasis on personal preferences and individualistic interests in contemporary urban life and is viewed as an impediment to the formation of positive social relationships and the expansion of citizen participation in social affairs. It impedes or even halts the development of the nation.This study is a survey, and the questionnaire created by the researcher was used to collect data. The statistical population consists of 350 adults older than 18 years old.According to numerous experts on social issues, apathy is an injury that occurs in transitioning and contemporary societies. As a consequence of the rapid transition from the pre-modern to modern era and the currents of modernization, apathy is prevalent in developing countries, according to the findings of researchers. In exceptional circumstances (such as war, natural disasters, and disease), Iranians are extremely empathetic and compassionate. However, due to the aforementioned factors, a pattern of cleverness and specialization is sometimes observed in daily life, for example, in bread lines, store lines, and ticket lines, etc. Consequently, in the civil and social sectors, including respecting the rights of others and the environment, etc., we face “objective or practical apathy” even among those with a positive attitude in subjectivive.According to findings, the apathy index in Hamedan was moderate to high for the majority of respondents. It can be argued, based on the experiences of developed countries, that economic progress and social development necessitate the “promotion of empathy and reduction of apathy.”

The issue of family care or unpaid care has been investigated in internal studies primarily from the perspective of care received by the elderly, and no attempt has been made to identify the factors affecting the provision of this type of care and the characteristics of caregivers on a national level.This is a secondary analysis based on data from the 2019-2020 Iran’s Time Use Survey. The statistical population of the time-use survey includes all people aged 15 and older residing in urban households, and the data encompasses all daily activities as well as economic and social variables at the individual and household levels.The most prevalent type of care in the sample, according to the findings, was unpaid child care (73%), followed by adult care (18%) and sandwiched care (5%). Gender was the most influential factor on the quantity of time allocated to daily care; even after adjusting for other independent variables, women still spent more time than men caring for family members. However, this disparity is reduced in geriatric care. Child care provision peaks during childbearing years for both men and women and declines with age, so that adult care (most likely spouses) becomes the predominant form of care in old age.The low prevalence of sandwiched care and the pattern of inter-spouse adult care in the sample can be attributed to the relatively youthful population structure and the lack of intergenerational living arrangements in Iran’s urban areas. However, the significant gender disparity in child care appears to be one of the potential obstacles to the realization of the gender dividend in Iran. Given the economic significance of providing unpaid activities at the household level and the impact of socio-demographic dynamics on such activities, the findings of the present study can be utilized to enhance the existing body of knowledge and future policy formulation in this area.

Social participation is a process based on collective wisdom and conscious and voluntary behavior that involves the participation of all stakeholders in all aspects of planning and decision-making, management, implementation, evaluation, and control, and the sharing of benefits and profits to achieve the goal. It specifies that this should be considered in order to attain good governance. This study seeks to identify the obstacles to participation in the realization of good urban governance, with a focus on the civil sector.This study was conducted using qualitative methods and semi-structured interviews with a purposeful sample of 10 civil society actors; the results were analyzed using thematic analysis.The collected data were analyzed under the headings of a primary theme, the lack of social capital, and a secondary theme, the frailty of civil society. Consequently, the fortification of the public sector and the increase in social capital can be felt to facilitate the attainment of good governance. In general, based on the findings of the study, civil participation in Yazd is minimal, and the civil society is weak.For good governance to be realized, a civil society predicated on civil participation must exist. In this regard, the government should reexamine centralized policies and devolve more authority to local communities in order to facilitate a greater level of citizen and local government participation in activities and affairs.

The significance of participatory governance has grown in recent years. The purpose of establishing health organizations was to increase citizen participation in the field of health. In practice, this plan encountered numerous obstacles. This study aimed to evaluate and investigate the obstacles health clubs face in achieving participatory governance.This is a qualitative investigation that employs in-depth interviews and focused group discussions. Interviews were conducted with 22 experts, policymakers, administrators, health center service providers, and residents of four Tehran districts. The data in this investigation were classified using the Emerson and Nabatchi participatory governance model. Iran’s cultural barriers to participatory governance consist of individualism and a lack of collaboration. Social barriers consist of a lack of trust between the public sector and the general public, competition between various stakeholders, self-interest in participation, and diminished reciprocal moral obligations. In the field of system, the dynamic obstacles to cooperation include a lack of common understanding of the problem among different stakeholders, a lack of consensus in decision-making, a disregard for everyone’s interests, lobbying, an inability to hear all voices, competition among stakeholders, and a lack of justification by the municipal body for the significance of public participation. The ineffectiveness of formal leadership in the public sector in conflict management, guiding leadership, and a tool-based approach to participation are among the leadership challenges.Participatory governance is the basis for the establishment of health centers, one of the obstacles they must overcome to succeed. Challenges must also be addressed in the decision-making process, shared comprehension, common motivation of stakeholders, formal leadership, financial and information structure, and information flow among stakeholders.

This article examines the women’s campaign in this mobilization, concentrating on the popular fundraising campaign to establish the Meli Bank following the Constitutional Revolution. Regarding the historical sociology approach, the research is founded on the resource mobilization theory of Charles Tilly.Therefore, in the first stage, the concepts and variables of Tilly’s theory are introduced, and then they are defined with reference to historical texts, such as books, the press, and women’s texts and writings. Methodologically, the study employs document analysis to provide concrete examples of the women’s fundraising campaign for the establishment of Bank Meli.The interest of women’sorganizations in the form of national independence motivations that confronts the politics of foreign colonial states is explained. Women’s associations, meetings, and the mobilization of utilitarian ornormative resources are discussed. The research concludes with an explanation of the opportunities and threats, as well as the form of mobilization.The collection of reliable and unprecedented data on women’s agency is one of the research’s innovations. The women’s campaign to establish Bank Meli demonstrates their acute awareness of thecontemporarysociopolitical climate, their capacity to mobilize, and their agency in collective actions, which is a recurring theme in modern Iranian history.

Corruption is regarded as one of the most significant issues in urban management. The need to investigate administrative corruption in the municipality of Tehran stems from the fact that the occurrence of multiple corruptions over the past few years has eroded public confidence in this organization and, as a result, the entire political-social system of the country. The purpose of the present investigation was to identify the causes of administrative corruption in Tehran Municipality.This article was written using an inductive approach and the thematic analysis method. Additionally, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 30 municipal administrators and corruption experts. Purposive sampling is used as the sampling method. Open coding, axial coding, and selective coding were utilized to code the gathered data.As a result of the coding and analysis, ten factors of network communication and chain relationships, inefficiency, deviation in the monitoring systems, the confusion of the administrative system, insufficiency of laws, lack of scientific and practical will to fight corruption, corrupt organizational culture, incomplete information system, vulnerable subsistence system, normalized corruption, and corruption-prone financial system have been identified as specific factor contributors.The themes identified in the occurrence of corruption are centered on a general axis, namely “corrupt organizational structure,” which has resulted in the creation of a culture of corruption within the Tehran municipality organization and the reproduction of corruption within its organizational context

Violence against women is a historical-cultural phenomenon, the understanding of which requires a comprehensive investigation of all social aspects and layers attached to it as a social phenomenon. Endorsing the problematic nature of violence against women in the Iranian society and recognizing the legitimacy and essentiality of governments’ intervention, the present research investigates the discursive resources of “Preserving Women’s Dignity and Protecting them against Violence” bill.Aimed at understanding the bill’s dominant implications and meaning patterns, a critical approach is adopted for studying the text of the bill using qualitative content analysis method.The non-endogenous problematization of violence against women; the inattention to the diversity of habitat and the Iranian field in determining the instances of violence; inattention to the particularities of the Iranian family and inevitabilities of family relationships; and extreme legalization –concentration on measuring new laws– in the absence of cultural normative approaches, are the major implications found in the bill.Overall, the study of the extracted implications of the bill reveals that the resources available to the discourse of eliminating violence against women lack a social understanding of the problem and, inattentive to the Iranian socio-cultural context and legal structure, presents exclusively forensic solutions to the problem. In other words, rather than endogenizing the problem of violence against women, the discursive resources of the bill simply generalize the global features of the topic to the Iranian society, and instead of referring to the investigation of Iranian women’s experience of violence, they condemn behaviors that have not normally and historically been conceived of as instances of violence against women.