نشریه سیاست پژوهی اسلامی ایرانی
سال دوم شماره 1 (پیاپی 5، بهار 1402)

Undoubtedly, one of the most important controversies among political scientists in Iran is the debate over its application. In this regard, political thought or to be more precise the "history" of political thought, from the point of view of the supporters of making applicable political science, is the first-rate defendant because according to them, it is the basically theoretical nature of this field which with dominating the field of education and research political science has closed the way to the applicability of these discipline. On the other hand, the historians of political thought in political science departments defend their field of study with a guilty conscience due to the lack of connection between this field and the effective reality in the political and social arena in Iran. Our effort in this article is to show that the origin of this conflict is not so much epistemic as it is rooted in the political and social structures of contemporary Iran. For this purpose, firstly in a general sense, we will show that political science in its new meaning, that is, as one of the immediate results of modern political philosophy, basically became possible in the negation of the worth of theoretical activity alone. In other words, the modern political science was not only the product of an effort to formulate an effective and practical political knowledge, but above that, it was the product of an effort to make applicable philosophy itself. Then, according to this discussion, we should raise the question whether what is taught in Iranian universities under the title of political science is modern political science or not. Finally, we try to argue that the new political science itself is the product of a fundamental change and evolution in the socio-political structures and its application in practice depends on the expansion of such structures and not vice versa.

Religious intellectuals after the revolution, by turning towards some European philosophical schools, such as analytical philosophy, adjusted their intellectual opinions based on them. Although their main discussion was to pay attention to religious categories such as "religious knowledge", "dynamic jurisprudence" and, in the political dimension, "religious government", their extra-religious attitude and headed by Abdul Karim Soroush were based on those schools. The two categories of language and the issue of interpretation are important components of this extra-religious view. The present study, with the aim of knowing these two components in the intellectual opinions of Soroush, based on what has been raised in the thought of philosophers such as Wittgenstein and Gadamer, deals with the question of what language and the problem of interpretation, in the thought of Wittgenstein and Gadamer, is a reflection in the intellectual opinions. Did they have a drink? By using a philosophical component of language and interpretation, Soroush pays attention to redefining the relationship between reason and religion in his intellectual views, and in the interpretation of holy texts and also religious foundations, he takes advantage of new exegetical achievements and the three categories of "religious knowledge", "jurisprudence" It offers "dynamic" and "religious democratic government" and it can be said that it does this with a kind of "dialogue" between the foundations of religious knowledge and the two categories of "language" and "interpretation".

One of the most important things to know the government is to measure its efficiency. Efficiency expresses the degree of success of the government, especially in the executive branch, to achieve its specific goals, and it also expresses the degree of its effectiveness, which comes about through different institutions and with different mechanisms. In this research, Rouhani's government, known as the government of prudence and hope, has been examined considering two important indicators of rule of law and legitimacy. The main question of this research is how the efficiency of the government, based on two indicators of rule of law and legitimacy, was measured in Rouhani's government and how was it? This research, using descriptive-analytical method, has come to the conclusion that in the field of rule of law index, Rouhani's performance was always in the red state and his limited efforts to improve the existing indicators in this field were met with failure. Regarding the legitimacy of the Rouhani government, it was related to the position of the general public. At this point, the majority of Iranian citizens reached the stage of indifference towards the country's political issues, especially participation in the elections, due to the weak management performance of the government and the type of protests faced in 1996-1998.

The lack of suitable facilities for life is not only limited to Kurdish areas; Rather, most of Iran's border areas resort to smuggling due to the harsh climatic conditions and proximity to the border. The provinces of Sistan and Baluchistan, Hormozgan, Bushehr and Khuzestan also have almost the same conditions as the Kurdish provinces of the country. In recent years, we can see that the hard life of Kurdish Kolbaran has been discussed and investigated by intellectuals and sociologists more than other border regions. It seems that Col-Bran have been able to present a new image of themselves to the people.This idea has not only forced the officials to answer to them, but it has also managed to arouse the sympathy of the people and the officials in their favor. Every exceptional phenomenon is formed based on reasons. In this article, I would like to answer this question with an aesthetic reading, what important phenomenon happened that raised the status of Kolubran in people's minds as a myth and made talking about them gray. For this purpose, the theoretical and methodological model of Jacques Rancière has been used.

With the Sassanids coming to the fore and applying the new policy of unity of religion and government for the first time in Iran, Zoroastrian clerics became important not only in religious matters but also in the administration of state and army affairs. He was the highest-ranking Zoroastrian cleric in the Sassanid era of chaplains, and in addition to addressing religious issues, he also dealt with legal and political issues. One of the most important and, of course, the most sensitive functions of chaplains in this era, as the intellectual representative of the Sassanid government, was to institutionalize the policy of the integration of religion and state into the state and society, as well as to legitimize the Sassanid religious state.Grand judge in the Abbasid era, like the chaplain of the Sassanid era, exerted influence in politics and society.Grand judge in the Abbasid era had the same function as chaplains in the Sassanid era in establishing stability and security in the Abbasid realm, as well as establishing justice and resolving disputes.This article asks the main question:Was there a relation between the position and function of the chaplains of the Sassanid era and the grand judge of the Abbasid era? Explores the function and position of grand judge in the Abbasid era. The achievement of the research indicates that grand judge had an important place in the Abbasid era not only in judicial affairs but also in political and administrative matters, but his most important function was to legitimize the Abbasid caliphate against religious differences and votes

The main issue discussed in the present research is study of conflict (tazahom) between Iranian society’s national interests and its ideologicalreligious position. Rationale of the present research is that one of the objections posed concerning the relation between “national interests” and “ideological-religious position” of Iran is conflict between the latter and former after victory of the Islamic Revolution and establishment of the Islamic Republic in the context of international political relations. The present study which is based on a descriptive-analytical methodology and uses library methodology to gather data, comes to the conclusion that: the Iranian society’s national interests are coherent and compatible with its ideologicalreligious position and identity; and, as a matter of fact, the Islamic identity of the Iran’s system and State constitutes and underlies the national interests. Furthermore, even if we accept conflict and inconsistency [of ideological-religious position] with some components of the national interests, it can be removed through implanting the rules of conflict in the practical approach of the jurists, i.e. the rule of possible and the rule of preferring the more important.