مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال چهاردهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 73، بهار 1402)

Electoral system is a set of election implementation methods that by receiving citizens' votes. The rule of elites elected by the people to manage public affairs makes it an objective reality. In different countries, there are different electoral systems that have advantages and disadvantages. Some countries have tried to use the merits of two types of electoral systems by using combined and consolidated methods. Since the legislature in general political units consists of two parliaments. Some of these units use majority system for the first parliament and proportional system for the second parliament. Some also use two methods at the same time for one parliament. In countries that only use the majority method, Majority structure adjustment (which is ignorant of minorities) Political parties have been put in place to include minority candidates. In Iran, the legislature consists of a parliament and the election is a quarter of the election, To fix the existing defect, In this article, it is suggested that by amending the constitution, a legislative system will be formed from the first and second parliaments, so that while using the philosophy of the bicameral system, the electoral system of the first parliament will be considered by the majority method and the electoral system of the second parliament will be considered by the proportional method. In case of The rule of the unicameral legislative system. The elections of the first parliament should be conducted in a combined manner of two majoritarian and proportional systems to reduce the existing shortcomings to the minimum possible and accelerate national unity and solidarity in the process of sustainable development of the country.

The current research, based on the method of "thematic interpretation of the Holy Quran", tries to identify the factors that threaten social order and stability from the perspective of the Holy Quran. Therefore, firstly, the stabilizing axis in the Holy Qur'an has been examined so that, by this means, the counter factors can be identified as factors that disrupt social order and stability. The Holy Qur'an introduces the element of "Truth" as a stabilizing axis due to its roots in Monotheism, its innateness, and the true arbitration standard in disputes. From the point of view of the Holy Qur'an, the existence of this stabilizing axis will end the differences, insecurity and chaos and bring life together with the human order. Since the central question of the current research is, "What factors disrupt social order and stability?" and the stabilizing axis considered by the Qur'an is "Truth", the factors that oppose "Truth" have been examined. Factors such as authoritarian rulers, polytheist elders and aristocrats, and Satan the Regime have been identified as disturbers of social order and stability, which with a wide range of methods, they try to challenge the efforts of divine prophets to establish the truth.

Spatial models of politics produce geometric representations of political variables. There are a host of such models available that utilize various types of data, from roll call data to political donation data, to produce spatial representations of ideology. Where these representations have been available, as the seminal work of Poole and Rosenthal in the United States, they have been enormously helpful in understanding the political dynamics. In many parts of the world, however, we do not have access to the types of data that these models demand. We propose a method for simultaneous estimation of citizens’ ideologies and politicians’ perceived ideologies, using favorability data. I use this method on data gathered from Iran, a country about which we have little data and little understanding regarding the relative ideological positions of politicians. We show how citizens’ ideological positions are related to a host of political attitudes. Because the estimation is simultaneous and on a shared scale between politicians and citizens, we can also measure the average distance from all citizens to each politician. This gives interesting insights: for example, we can see that there are unpopular politicians located in favorable ideological positions.

The development of domestic legal systems has been the result of the development of national governments, which itself is the result of the interaction of power and interests. In the international legal order, the situation is almost the same, with the difference that the relationship between power and interests in the international legal order is more unclear and ambiguous than domestic law, due to the fact that the political order governing the international community It has less unity and integrity than domestic political systems. This is why international organizations, treaties, international dispute resolution, security systems, including disarmament, etc. have emerged. In this article, the question is that, using the teachings of the radical critical approach about dialectical materialism in political speech, in the dialectical conflict between the legal matter and the political matter, the criticism of the conceptual position of international law in the current international order Is it ideological or not? The ideological nature of international law is, on the one hand, a result of the dominance of the Westphalian national governments, and on the other hand, a result of the final victory of the political in the dialectic between the legal and the political.

In the legitimacy and efficiency of governments, as well as in the well-being and happiness of the people and the development of the country, the accountability of the agents has a vital role, and the lack or insufficiency in this matter will lead the people, the country and the government to decline. From this point of view, it is necessary to reflect on the ambiguity of accountability in basic policies and planning. In this research, we tried to investigate those obstacles to the responsibility of Iranians that fall under the concept of national character in the cultural field. Our main question was, what is the position of responsibility in the national character of Iranians and what obstacles are hidden in this character? In this research, we tried to analyze the national character of Iranians from the point of view of non-Iranian thinkers and writers by emphasizing the issue of accountability, and to identify the obstacles to accountability and accountability in this field as much as possible. Our investigation shows that the history and political culture of the ruling autocracy over the centuries has led to the strengthening of tendencies and structures in the heart of the culture and national character of Iranians, which despite the awareness of the human and social necessity of accountability to others, due to the sense of insecurity and instability, it leads to less responsibility.

The problem of the modern state has occupied the mind and conscience of many contemporary Iranian thinkers, including the seminary neo-thinkers. Meanwhile, due to the wide range and diversity of his works and the wide influence of his words, Davood Feirahi is the most famous seminarian thinker who has pondered in this field and has created valid and worthy works. With a glance at Feirahi's works, it can be seen that the modern state and its challenges in Iran are among his main concerns throughout his research life, and in a way, all the works of him were written in this direction. The main issue of this article is what kind of idea Feirahi had of the modern state and what model of it he considered feasible for Iran. In response to this question, the article comes to the conclusion that despite serious reflections on the concept of the modern state and the examination of its challenges in Iran, Feirahi lacked a coherent and independent theory in this matter and did not provide a detailed explanation of his desired model in Iran.

Protest actions, as a form of socio-political orientations, have challenged the governments beyond the expiry of the electoral periods, in order to display new forms of participation. The demands raised in the form of protest slogans and their relationship with political discourses are the concern of this article. Therefore, in order to examine the semantic change of protest slogans of the last three decades in terms of political discourses, relying on Snow and Benford's framing theory and using the method of  content analysis to analyze the protest slogans in July 1978, in January 1996 and November 1998 . The results showed; In 1978, compared to other years, the diagnostic framework of the protesters was developed around the lack of coherence in the political structure, in 1988 around the non-realization of political values, and in 1996 and 1998 about the structural dimension of the political system. The themes of the slogans in 1978 (freedom, democracy) were consistent with the elements of the Reform discourse, but there was no correspondence between the slogans and the government's dysfunction. The themes of the slogans in 1988 (political justice) did not match the elements of the discourse of justice (reduction of poverty and deprivation), but it was in harmony with the functional dysfunction of the government in the field of politics. In the movements of the 90s, the slogans of the protestors were consistent with both the elements of Moderation discourse and the functional dysfunction of the government

In this research, the aim of the authors is answer to this question: "What does the challenges and opportunities Taliban's strategic model in the second state-building in Afghanistan? And what are the challenges and opportunities for the Islamic Republic of Iran? The research method is mixed. The statistical population of this article was the elites and researchers in the fields of political science, regional studies, international relations and geopolitics, who were interviewed in-depth with 40 experts using the theoretical and purposeful sampling method until reaching theoretical saturation. Quantitatively, to evaluate the model, a researcher-made questionnaire with available sampling method was distributed among 90 people from the samples. The data were analyzed in the qualitative part with the qualitative method of database theory and MAXQDA10 software, and in the quantitative part with the method of structural equations, partial least squares algorithm with SMART PLS software. The findings indicated that the strategic model of the Taliban in the second state-building period in Afghanistan has 11 components and 35 indicators as follows: Causal conditions (1. The presence of American and NATO forces, 2. The failure of the state-building process in Afghanistan) Background conditions (3. Emphasis on the realization of an Islamic state 4. Efforts to strengthen the social and popular base) Strategic conditions (5. Efforts to realize a moderate Islamic state 6. Efforts for ethnic unity in Afghanistan 7. Efforts for an alliance with the Republic Islamic Republic of Iran) and intervening conditions (8. International coalition's renewed attack on Afghanistan 9. Intensification of confrontation between Taliban and ISIS), consequences (10. Opportunities of the Islamic Republic of Iran 11. Challenges of the Islamic Republic of Iran)

The emergence of China's economic power, along with the decrease of America's share in global production and international trade, has led to a change in the geopolitical landscape of the world and in the economic balance in the international arena, which has finally brought the trade competition between China and America to its peak and it has emerged in the form of trade war. This matter caused Southeast Asian countries to become a field of economic conflict between China and America. The main question of this research is how the trade war between China and America has affected the economy of Southeast Asian countries?  In response to this hypothesis, it is investigated with an explanatory method that the trade war between China and America through trade tariffs and import restrictions leads to a change in imports-exports and trade deals with Southeast Asian countries, especially Vietnam and Taiwan. The purpose of this research is to explain China and America’s economic policy based on the strategy of neo-mercantilism in the form of the trade war and how this war has changed the economic balance in the whole world, especially in Southeast Asian countries.

China's foreign policy continues its multilateral economic plans in the international arena such as; "Belt and Road Initiative", "Made in China 2025", " Health Silk Road", "Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank" and..., have considered cooperation with European countries. In the last decade, Beijing has established multilateral mechanisms and initiatives at the regional, transregional and bilateral (pivot countries) levels and in the form of these multilateral initiatives, it includes economic, political, and cultural dimensions with different regions, especially Europe. In this framework, the "16+1 Initiative" was defined in 2012 as a complement to the " Belt and Road " by China and Central and Eastern European countries to develop multilateral cooperation. The purpose of this article is to explain the impact of this multilateral initiative on the cooperation between China and the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, and the question of how the multilateral initiative 1+16 is the context of the interwoven cooperation between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CE E) has prepared? The hypothesis is that the 16+1 multilateral mechanism has created a complex network of cooperation between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which has led to positive achievements in specific subject areas. The findings show that China has planned and implemented projects and plans in the form of a win-win game with the cooperation of various groups of the above countries (Balkans, Visegrad, Axis countries), which has resulted in the reaction of other Chinese competitors.