نشریه پژوهش های سیاسی و بین المللی
پیاپی 46 (خرداد 1400)

Southwest Asia is one of the least stable regions, where regional conflicts, especially the Arab-Israeli conflict, continue for nearly more than 2 decades after the end of the Cold War. In the field of regional countries, the United States is trying to put new strategies on the agenda to bring about a permanent balance of power and threats based on the equation of national security and national interests of the United States. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to evaluate US national security policy in Southwest Asia. The research method was qualitative. Finally, it is concluded that the structure of US national security policy is based on recognizing the national security challenge of major powers, regional threats, the appeal of emerging actors, and how to deal with threats, each of which can be used as part of regulatory mechanisms.

Terrorism has been the subject of considerable reflection and research in various fields of the humanities, including international law. The purpose of this article is to investigate the origins of international regulations of world gov er n m ents in the fight against terrorism from the perspective of international law, which is followed by a descriptive-analytical method. According to the results the contemporary era has witnessed a lack of agreement and collective success in c o untering and eliminating the phenomenon of terrorism. The reason for this can be attributed to the lack of relative unity in defining the nature of the terrorist act, which in turn confuses and inefficiencies the forms of confrontation with it and institutions such as the United Nations.  Although, the structure of inter n a tional law has not become fruitful and final solutions due to the use of power by powerful governments in their interests.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of faculty mobilization on po litical elitism in the Islamic Republic of Iran, which was conducted as a survey among faculty mobilization in Shiraz universities.The statistical population, which included 314 males and 61 females, was a total of 375 people, which was done by using the questionnaire method and their distribution among the statistical p o p ulation. Accordingly, the data collection tool is a questionnaire that to measure the validity and reliability of the questionnaire, the value of Cronbach's alpha coefficient is equal to 0.98. The main question is what effect has the mobilization of professors had on the political elite in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The main hypothesis is that the role of mobilization in transmitting political awareness, strengthening national identity, increasing national and religious self-co n fi d e n ce and provincialism,are effective components in It is the training of political elit e s.[1].PhD Student in Political Science, Lamerd Branch, Islamic Azad University, Lamerd, Iran[2].Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Lamerd Branch, Islamic Azad University, Lamerd, Iran, Corresponding Author[3].Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Lamerd Branch, Islamic Azad University, Lamerd, Iran

The discourse of the Muslim Brotherhood is considered to be the most im p o rtant and deep-rooted "reformist Salafi" movement in the Sunni world; It is rooted in the contemporary Islamic revival movement led by Seyyed Jamaluddin As a d abadi. This discourse was founded by Hassan al-Banna in 1928 in Egypt and is now highly influential in many Islamic countries, such as Turkey and Qatar. In contrast to the Brotherhood's discourse,we should mention the Wahhabi d i s course,which rises and seeks with a Salafi and fundamentalist reading of Is la m in Saudi Arabia, using oil dollars and important Islamic centers such as Mecca and Medina.Take over Islam.The present study aims to explain the i m p a ct of the Muslim Brotherhood on behalf of Turkey and the Saudi Wahhabi discourse on the developments in Libya from 2010 to 2019,The research method in this article is based on historical-analytical method. 

After the election of Ahmadinejad as president, foreign policy changed, and this change became evident not only in domestic politics but also in foreign policy. Especially in nuclear policy, it pursued a policy of inflexibility and incompatibility. The purpose of writing this article is to answer the question of what factors c a u sed the incompatibility and disregard for Security Council resolutions by the ninth and tenth governments in nuclear policy, according to the decision-making model of the James N.Rosenau Accession Plan, and our aim is to prove this. It is hypothesized that according to James N. Rosenau's decision-making model, the factor (international environment-political system) has been more e ff ective than other factors (individual-role-society) in incompatibility and in adopting Ahmadinejad's policy of resistance in nuclear policy.

After independence as an Islamic country, Pakistan sought to use Islamic th o u g ht as an identifying factor. An important issue that can affect Iran-Pakistan relations is fundamentalism in Pakistan. Based on structural theory, this article tries to examine the impact of Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan on the re l a t i o n s between this country and Iran between 1991 and 2020. The main question is what effect has Islamic fundamentalism had on the relations between the two countries? The hypothesis that will be proven in this study is that the activities of fundamentalist political parties and currents are due to the co n t r a st between the principles of Pakistani Sunni fundamentalism and the religious spirit of Shiite thought in Iran and the incitement of interventionist powers have b e c o me a powerful factor of divergence in Relations between the two countries have changed. In the present study, a descriptive-analytical method has been used.

"Political development" is considered to increase the capacity and efficiency of the political system in resolving conflicts between individual and collective in t e rests. In recent years, the idea of "good governance" has been proposed to explain the relationship between civil society,government and the private sector,which a i m s to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of the political system. At the end of the fortieth anniversary of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Khamenei issued the strategic document "Declaration of the Second Step" in order to e l e vate the country and address the concerns of the nation by increasing the effectiveness and efficiency of the political system in relation to individuals. The title of the upstream documents is deeply connected to the ideas of po li ti c al development and good governance. The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of political development on good governance. In this regard, it is assumed that "the more the indicators of political development in the country increase, the more the goals of good governance in society will be achieved." The research method is mixed, the technique used is survey and documentary studies. The results confirmed the hypotheses.

In this study, while reviewing and implementing the legislative institutions in Iran and France, the process and effects of the legislature in these two c o untries were discussed. Referendums, ordinary laws and emergency la w s are all three legislative methods in Iran and France.Despite the general authority of the Islamic Consultative Assembly to legislate, the Assembly, l i k e other powers, faces limitations rooted in factors (the principle of inherent limitation of parliamentary powers, the principle of con st it u ti o n al supremacy,the principle of apparent limitation of the legislature, and formal constraints).Legislative restrictions in France, on the other hand, are in addition to formal restrictions imposed by the judiciary and the Constitutional Council. The legislature in the Iranian and French co ns ti t utions has set up an institution to oversee the law, which is called the "G u ardian Council" in the Iranian constitution and the "Constitutional Council" in the French constitution.

Nationalism is the awareness of membership or dependence on the nation, in other words, national consciousness, and this awareness often creates the passion and interest of individuals in the constituent elements of the nation and sometimes leads to glorifying them and believing in the superiority of these manifestations over other national manifestations. The purpose of this article is to investigate the impact of two types of nationalism on the political identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method is based on its purpose and nature, libraries and documents and seeks to collect some historical documents and libraries to study tribal nationalism and civic nationalism. From the point of view of the thought, ideals and political identity of the Islamic Revolution, consider whether the policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the ethnic sphere is based on contract or tribalism? Iran is expanding further.

After the talks on the adoption of Resolution 598 and the ceasefire with Iraq, Iran's nuclear activities are one of the most complex and crucial international cr i s es in Iran. The purpose of the Constitutional Legislature in establishing the Supreme National Security Council has been to create a specialized and supreme center for the establishment of unity of procedure and the adoption of comprehensive security policies. In fact, the main question is what is the mechanism of the nature and competencies of the Supreme National Security Council in nuclear decisions? Based on the results, it can be said that in the constitutional law system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Supreme National Security Council is among the policy-making authorities, and also, considering that the verbal and idiomatic nature of policy-making is related to determining the existing policy and general axes in relation to a certain subject. It can be concluded that an important part of the resolutions of the Supreme National Security Council, which are examples of the exercise of the powers provided for in paragraph 1 of Article One Hundred and Seventy-six.

With the domination of the International System and Western civilization since 1500 AD, the ancient Eastern Civilizations have had similar experiences of marginalization.The reproduction of similar elements in the Strategic Cu lt u re of these civilizations has led to a common demand to return to their former role and place in the International System. The main question is what factors led to the rapprochement of the ancient revisionist Eastern civilizations and the formation of the Eastern Historical-Civilizational Bloc in the international system?The overall result of the study shows that the war of ancient civi li z a ti o n, marginalization and similar strategic culture between Iranian, Chinese and Russian civilizations has led to the formation of the historical-civ iliz a ti o n al bloc of the East, which seeks to create Eastern and Western Bounded Order against the Western International Order. The method used in this paper is de s c riptive-analytical and its theoretical framework is based on the theory of the C lash of Civilizations by Samuel Huntington and the Critical Theory of Robert Cox.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the relationship between national identity and ethnic identities in Iran and to introduce an appropriate identity policy-making model to strengthen the relationship between these identities and consolidate solidarity and national identity in the country. Accordingly, the key question of the research is that in the multi-ethnic country of Iran, the State of the Islamic Republic should adopt what kind of identity policy in order to strengthen the relationship between national identity and ethnic identities and consolidate solidarity and national identity in Iran? The hypothesis of the article is that considering the multi-ethnicity of Iran and the historical coexistence of national identity and ethnic identities in the country, the State of the Islamic Republic in order to strengthen the relationship between these identities and consolidate solidarity and national identity, should have an identity policy of unity in plurality. This policy can express national unity in the context of ethnic pluralism in the country. It should be noted that the research method of the article is descriptive-analytical.

Familiarity of Muslim scholars with modern Western intellectual and philosophical findings led to the presentation of innovative interpretations of the Qur'an and Islamic concepts. The aim of the present study is to study Abu Zayd's new ideas on religious issues, especially the Qur'an. In this regard, the question arises that what effect has religious modernity in Abu Zayd's thought had on understanding the concept of the nature of the Qur'an in his thought? It is hypothesized that Abu Zayd, influenced by modern Western schools, contrasted his views with those of traditionalists in the field of religion. In his view, an yt h ing that is not compatible with the requirements of our time should be dis c a r d ed by reconstructing religious thought. In this regard, Abu Zayd has raised new issues about religious thought, especially the Qur'an, the concept of re vel a tion, etc. The present study intends to study the most important of them by descriptive-analytical method and using historical data.[1].PhD Student in Political Thought in Islam, Mashhad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Mashhad, Iran.[2].Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law - Political Science and Foreign Languages, Mashhad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Mashhad, Iran,Corresponding Author[3]. Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law - Political Science and Foreign Languages, Mashhad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Mashhad, Iran

Nuclear powers do not seem to have a guarantee of reducing their nuclear capability, and they are not blocked from developing. This situation has been aggravated especially with the ratification of international conventions. The purpose of the present study is to identify the concept of governments' obligations in the non-proliferation system and its executive territory and to examine the challenges and gaps in this field. The main question of the present study is w h a t are the obligations of states in the non-proliferation system and their e x e c u t i v e territory in disarmament?
The commitments of governments in the non-proliferation system have outweighed their individual interests over the interests of the international community, namely the preservation of international peace and security, prot e ction of people's right to self-determination, protection of human dignity, preservation of common heritage humanity, the environment and the new in te r national economic order, as a whole and have hindered its growth and excellence.

Political philosophy has paid attention to justice, freedom and equality, so these values have formed a political triangle. In other words, these values form the foundation of political philosophy in different ways. At the end of the twentieth century, justice once again became the focus of political thought of Western thinkers, even defenders of liberalism such as John Rawls.  The main question of the research is: what is the nature of John Rawls' political thought considering the economic developments of the late twentieth century, including neoliberal governments. In other words, what effects have the transformation in the function and structure of governments in the Western world had on the political views of John Rawls in various dimensions of civil rights, the private sphere, the interaction of government and citizens, the relationship between freedom and justice? In general, John Rawls has introduced a new structure of liberalism based on moral justice and responsibility by presenting a new concept of justice.

After enactment of Iran Sanctions Act following the seizure of US Embassy (spy nest) in Tehran and also enforcement of it, new dimension has been added by America to its sanction measures and that was penalizing any fo r e i g n companies that invested in Iran; This is the most extreme form of US ex tra te r ritorial law enforcement to date. Although US extraterritorial laws and efforts to force third parties to comply with these laws and regulations on the international stage are carefully organized and planned, the use of these tools to advance foreign policy has always been a source of controversy. In this article, if we accept that a country can exercise its sovereignty outside its territory, then examining the legal validity of sanctions on Iran under the current principles of international law on the subject of US sovereignty and extraterritorial law will be a necessary and thought-provoking discussion.

At the Beginning of the 20th century, following the activism of women and the rise of nationalism in developing countries, Egyptian women sought to gain some of their social rights. From 1914 to 1953, the spread of modernist and nationalist ideas played a major role in the development of these societies.
Relying on a descriptive-analytical method, this study answers the question of how nationalism in Egypt has influenced the emergence and trend of the women's movement. Findings show that nationalism and the struggle against colonialism and tyranny paved the way for women to enter society, but despite the participation of women, they were not given the rights demanded by women and as a result, women's social rights were pursued in other ways. The women's movement was completely dependent on the political and social dynamics of the majority and influenced by Eastern and Western ideologies. But the ability of Egyptian women to establish a moderate organization and practice led to their relative success.

Mahdi Kordi Kalak [1],Mashallah Heydarpour[2]*,Mahdi Javdani Moghadam[3]   Abstract: NATO is one of the most important international organizations that has defined expansion to the East as one of its priorities after the Cold War and the functional transformation of its missions.In this context, NATO, in the framework of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, has tried to strengthen its presence in the Persian Gulf in order to ensure energy security, play a role in regional security and enclose Iran.Under these circumstances, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) effort to map out security issues, impose restrictions on NATO, and control energy transit routes in the Persian Gulf is reminiscent of the Warsaw Pact confrontation with NATO.This article seeks to address the key question of what approach and causes of the NATO-Shanghai security co n frontation in the Persian Gulf can be analyzed?The research hypothesis c o nsiders the main causes of confrontation in conflicting security goals, conflict of interests in energy transportation routes and different views towards Iran. [1].Graduated in PhD in International Relations, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran [2].Assistant Professor,Department of International Relations, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran ,Corresponding Author [3].Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Imam Sadegh University, Tehran, Iran

In this paper, the need to criminalize non-international armed conflicts and their gradual impact will be examined in a library method by using the note taking.the procedure of the Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia, subs eq u e ntly, the Statute of the International Criminal Court in 1998 and the inclusion of the crimes committed in the scope of war crimes, Has led to a massive ch a n ge towards the codifying of laws to these conflicts and developed. In general, the Statute of the Court exceeded the limits of the customary international law on war conflicts in significant and perceptible cases and imposes new obligations on States Parties.The article is divided into two parts; First, it examines the theoretical foundations of the law of armed conflict, and in the second part, it deals with the necessity and effect of criminalization of non-international armed conflict in the Statute of the International Criminal Court.

Ali Mansour Lekurj[1],Asghar Abbasi[2]*,Ali Ghorbani[3] Abstract:This study maintain that meantime compute obstacles impunity in int e r n a tional crimes, analyze methods of comparison against impunity; with this forward-supposition that the impunity of great international felonies cannot be an acceptable phenomenon so we decided to study legal principles that im pe diment against these felonies punishment e.g principles : sovereignty, localness if criminal law, nonintervention, immunity, individualism of pun i s h m ent and legality of crime and punishment; we pay due attention to the comparison with impunity cases from the Nuremberg charter to Rom cha rt e r and in this way  analyze relationship between sovereignty of government and impunity and we pay attention to international criminal court and inte rn at io n a l criminal tribunal.Finally we can say: 1. There is some con f lic ts between Rom charter regulations,2.Unfortunately execution of criminal ju st i c e has been possible only about non-developed countries; meantime non-appropriate mov e m ent could be seen from the side of security council. Le a n ing to the 7th chapter from the charter must be regarded from the side of permanent members of security council. [1].PhD Student in Criminal Law and Criminology, Ayatollah Amoli Branch, Islamic Azad University, Amol, Mazandaran, Iran[2]. Assistant Professor of Criminal Law and Criminology, Chalous Branch, Islamic Azad University, Chalous, Mazandaran, Iran ,Corresponding Author[3] - Assistant Professor of Criminal Law and Criminology, Chalous Branch, Islamic Azad University, Chalous, Mazandaran, Iran