نشریه حدیث پژوهی
پیاپی 29 (بهار و تابستان 1402)

Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd Aḥwāzī is one of the prominent personages of the second and third centuries, and he is the owner of a new method of writing in Hadith collections. While validating him, Imami scholars have considered him as one of the narrators of Imam Rizā, Imam Javād and Imam Hādī (pbuh). As a writing style, his method has always been noted in Rijāl sources, and narrators such as Ali ibn Mahziyār and Yūnus ibn ‘Abd al-Raḥmān have been influenced by his method. The 30 books of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd are so famous that advanced scholars even compare the previous works such as the works of Ṣafwān ibn Yaḥyā with his books and in some cases, such as the works of Muhammad ibn Ūrmah, consider the books of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd to be the standard of authenticity.

Sheikh Kalaynī also benefited from Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd's innovative method of compiling a book during the Ghaybat Ṣughrā. Only two of the 30 writings of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd are available today. But by rereading enough books, you can recover a significant part of the traditions of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd's books. To understand the degree of influence of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd Ahwazi on Sheikh  Kalaynī, his collection of hadiths in the Kafī book was extracted, as well as the chapters and books of Kafī with the titles of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd's books and were subjected to a comparative study. After researching using the exploratory method and using library and citation sources, the following results were obtained: Sheikh Kalaynī has narrated 675 traditions (about 1.23 of Kafī) from Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd in his book Kafī in 17 authentic ways. It tells about his insistence on narrating traditions from him and the high status of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd and his books in the eyes of Sheikh Kalaynī. Also, the multiplicity of narrating ways expresses the position and high number of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd's copies in the fourth century. And it can be assumed that Sheikh Kalaynī has received Aḥwāzī's works many times in different ways of carrying hadith such as listening, reciting, allowing, etc. - from his elders. In the number and names of books in Kafī, Sheikh Kalaynī has also received a structural influence from Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd and tried to choose the number and names of books and chapters according to the books of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd.

In the initial dealing with the books of the two narrators - Aḥwāzī and Kalaynī - we find that Kafi has 35 books and Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd has 30 books, and the common titles of their books are only 16 books. But when we examine it with a more detailed and investigative look, it becomes clear that both of them have 32 books and 19 titles in common.Sheikh Kalaynī, in Kafi, has narrated from Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd in the form of 430 chapters. In this research, his traditions in Kafi were categorized into four topics: jurisprudential, belief, moral and interpretational, and it was revealed that Sheikh Kalaynī, like the works of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd, observed thematic diversity in the selection and narration of hadiths. Taking into account the fact that Kalaynī's method is to present the correct traditions in Kafi, clearer traditions in each subject are also given at the beginning of each chapter. In 56 chapters of Kafi, he quoted the first tradition from Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd, and he has chosen the title of the 26th chapter exactly from the wording of the hadiths of the books of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd.

According to the research conducted and the documents provided, we find that:Firstly, compared to her previous and later works, the 30 books of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd had innovation, content validity and special fame in the earlier period.Secondly, Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd's books have been the standard for comparing and measuring hadith works.Thirdly, in terms of the number of parts of the book, Sheikh Kalaynī has arranged it exactly equivalent to Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd's books, and most of the titles of Kalini's books - more than sixty per cent - are common with the titles of Aḥwāzī books.Lastly, in the content of the chapters, while reporting the traditions of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd, Sheikh Kalaynī has adhered to the concepts and traditional texts of Aḥwāzī, and in a significant number of chapters, he has prioritized the reports of Aḥwāzī over others. According to what has been said, the effects of Ḥusayn Ibn Sa’īd and his books on Sheikh Kalaynī and Kafi book cannot be denied.

The tradition of "Good for Women" is one of the famous traditions that have been reported with various expressions in the historical, ethical and hadith texts of the two main Islamic Sects. However, in the conducted studies, despite the report of the tradition in various hadith texts, more attention has been paid to the implication of this tradition than to its Isnad validity. While this tradition is reported in the form of a "mursal" in most sources, and sometimes go with iḍṭirāb in the text. In the implication section, most of the researchers consider the tradition to refer to a special ruling about women and believe that women should avoid being in the community by dealing with activities related to housekeeping and raising children. While ignoring the authenticity of this hadith, if only the content of the tradition is considered, other views can be proposed about it, and women cannot be deprived of their right to social presence based on this report.

In this research, focusing on the reporting process of the tradition of "Good for Women" in the hadith sources of the two main Islamic Sects, the isnad status and its textual changes in different texts have been evaluated. In this regard, all the sources in which this tradition is narrated have been studied and analyzed. The Shiite sources in which the tradition is reflected are: "Da’ā’im alEslām", the book "Mūlid fāṭimah" or "Akhbār fāṭima", "Makārim Akhlāq alNabī wa alA’immah", "Manāqib ‘Āl Abiṭālib", "Makārim alAkhlāq", "Kashf alGhummah fī Marifat alA’immah". Among Sunni sources, this tradition can be seen in the books "Ḥlyat al-Awliya wa Ṭabaqāt al-Aṣfiya’", Iḥyā’ Ulūm alDīn", "Kanz al-Ummāl fī sunan alAqwāl wa al-Af’āl".

Research in hadith texts is one of the necessities for the correct understanding of jurisprudence and moral issues, which has always been the concern of Islamic thinkers in line with the detailed analysis of religious teachings. Generally, hadith scholars do not limit the final evaluation of hadiths to the examination of Isnad, but also consider it necessary to analyze hadiths in terms of text and content. Because neglecting each of them leads to misunderstandings and misconceptions of the Sunnah and the words of the Prophet (pbuh) and Imams (as). Among the notable traditions in the hadith texts that are found in Shia and Sunni hadith sources and various analyses have been made about them, is the hadith "kjayrun linnisā’I an lāyarayna al-rejāl wa lāyarāhunna al-rijāl" This tradition has been reported in different sources with different words and attributed to Ḥaḍrat Zahrā (as). The analyses presented around this hadith are so different that sometimes no common value can be found between them. For example, a group has concluded that women must not appear in the community but stay at home, only by addressing the words of this hadith. On the other hand, another group, emphasizing the weakness of the chain of transmission, considered the hadith to be invalid and rejected it.

The tradition of "Good for Women" is found neither in any of the four Main Shia hadith books nor in six authentic Sunni ones. Additionally, in most of the late hadith sources, it has been transmitted in the form of "mursal", without valid sanads. Furthermore, although some sources have presented the tradition as "musnad", most of their transmitters are accused of lying, fabricating hadiths, and falsification. After all, accepting the transmission of the hadith from the "Imam", it should also be noted that according to the literal meaning of the word "Ra’y", the meaning of "Ru’yah" is the staring and precise and lustful gaze of alien men and women at each other, not the fleeting and natural gaze that is common in social interactions. In addition, considering that a woman as a human being is responsible in social and political issues and it is not possible to deal with this responsibility except with a chaste presence that is in accordance with the laws of Islamic Sharia, and considering the practical life of Ḥaḍrat Zahrā (as) as a perfect role model of a responsible woman, it can be said that in this hadith she invited everyone, especially women, to observe hijab and chastity in the community, because Islam prefers the law-abiding presence of women in the community to their isolation

Validation of traditions in different ages has been associated with differences. The late Shiites since the time of ′Allāmi Ḥillī have considered the first stage of examining hadiths to be Isnad evaluation, this has caused the weakness of a significant number of hadiths. Therefore, the early traditionists have been accused of tasāhul in Isnad investigations of hadiths (1). One of the prolific predecessors who has many hadith works in the 4th century is Sheikh Ṣadūq, who is also accused of not paying attention to the traditions sanad in the hadiths. Therefore, examining the position of the sanad in the validation of Sheikh Ṣadūq becomes important.

The present study has studied the extent and manner of using sanad reviews in the presence of Sheikh Ṣadūq with a descriptive-analytical method. For this purpose, the Rijāl opinions and the validation of Sheikh Sadūq were extracted from the books of Rijāl al-Najāshī (2), al-Fihrist Sheikh Ṭūsī (3), al-Rijāl Ibn Al-Ghaḍā′irī (4), Kitāb Man lā Yahḍuruhu al-Faqīh (5), Iˈtiqādāt al-Imamīyyah (6), aL-Khisāl (7), aL-Amālī (8), ˈUyūn Akhbār al-Rizā (9), ‘Ilal al-Sharī’ah (10), Kamāl al-Dīn wa Tamām al-Ni′mah (11), Fazāil al-Ashhur al-Thalāthah (12), aL-Tawhīd (13), Maˈānī al-Akhbār (14). and by analyzing them, the method of validating a sanad with Sheikh Sadūq was obtained.

Giving importance to the sanad has been one of the imperatives of Hadith for Sheikh Ṣadūq This is evident in his adherence to not mixing the traditions sanad in similar traditions, choosing the most correct Isnad, and mentioning the sanad in full in most of his traditions. The existence of the title of a Rijāl and hadith critic for Ṣadūq is another confirmation of the influence of the Isnad topics in the validation of the tradition in the eyes of this hadith scholar. Its feedback is evident in the distinction of narrators, the unification of different things and the distinction of commonalities, the validation and weakening of traditions, the expression of sect, and the anonymity of the narrator in the Ṣadūq sanads. The way of the involvement of Rijālī information in the validation of Ṣadūq can be traced in two areas: Isnad factors of the validity of hadiths to Ṣadūq and Isnad factors that undermine the validity of hadiths. Ṣadūq sees the weakness of a sanad in Irsāl and Inqiṭā’ of sanad, the impossibility of meeting the narrator and the person narrated from him, And the individuality of tradition from an unreliable person, the individuality of tradition from a reliable person in case of conflict, considers the narrator's lying (absolutely) and other weakness of Rijāl or the corruption of religion under the condition of conflict.  On the opposite side, the plurality of transmitters, the connection of the Isnad, mentions correct sanads as one of the Isnad factors of the validity of hadiths. In the performance of Ṣadūq, after bibliographic reviews, sanad assessment has priority over textual assessment. So that in case of textual conflict between two traditions with a valid sanad, he has not ruled that any of the conflicting parties is not correct and he has tried to accept the parties of the conflict by interpreting and carrying a narrative on the question of negation, specialization, etc.

In cases where it is clear to Ṣadūq that the tradition is falsified, he completely rejects the tradition and avoids quoting it؛ However, if it is not certain that the tradition is falsified, the weakness of the sanad alone is not the reason for rejection. In some cases, the weakness of the sanad causes the tradition to be rejected if an unreliable person is alone in narrating it, and in the second case, the tradition with a weak sanad is in conflict with the traditions with a valid sanad but without preference. Preferences such as permission and mention of the cause have been compensating for the weakness of the narrative sanad in the position of conflict. This has caused some weak narrators, narrators of the Sunni or corrupt sect to be present in the authentic sanads, but at the same time, in cases of conflict, it has been specified to reject the traditions of Sunni narrators and have a corrupt sect.

Dating is a new title that has entered the field of Quran and Islamic Hadith by orientalists. Since the followers of the Sunni comprise a larger part of the geography of Islam, Orientalists are often faced with Sunni sources, therefore, the methods of dating in hadith are based on Sunni traditions. Orientalists look at hadith as a historical source and try to find historical points about it by determining the date of issuance of the tradition. Due to the existence of multiple texts and Isnad for each of the Sunni traditions, which is the dominant feature of their traditions, Orientalists have developed methods for dating, that these methods in some cases leads to criticism or a better understanding of the traditions. Therefore, it seems that one should also think about dating in Shia traditions.

Some orientalists have tried to compare the features of existing texts for a tradition to obtain the course of text changes and obtain the original text of the tradition. Some have also considered the characteristics of the sanad and by determining the “common link” that can be determined according to the many ways of the tradition sanad, they have tried to estimate the date of the tradition, which is often attributed to the common link or its sheikhs. According to the first source that contains the text of the tradition, a group has started to determine the date of issuance. Finally, some people have considered a new way to determine the date of issuance of a tradition by paying attention to the multiple texts and Isnad of a tradition. Among the dating methods, dating based on the Isnad as well as dating based on the analysis of the text and the Isnad together have received more attention due to being more methodical, which is based on the phenomenon of the common link in the sanad as well as the multiplicity of texts of traditions. This feature does not exist in Shia traditions because the process of issuing and compiling Shia traditions is different due to historical reasons and often lacks multiple sanads or multiple texts for one tradition. Therefore, dating methods are not applicable in Shia traditions.On the other hand, one should not simply ignore the dating of hadith in Shia traditions because its benefits are undeniable in some works done in Sunni traditions. Therefore, a way to achieve these benefits and results must be found in Shia traditions.

Orientalists in the field of the Qur'an have also begun dating, the purpose of which is to determine the date of revelation of each paragraph of the Qur'anic verses, and due to its connection with the events of the Prophet's time, this determination of the date leads to a more accurate and clear interpretation of the verses. Two common features between Shia traditions and Quranic verses led this research to a method for dating Shia hadith that can bring us closer to the motivations and benefits of the Orientalist dating method. One of these two characteristics is the gradualness of the issuance of Shia traditions during the period of the presence of the Imams (as), similar to the revelation of the verses that continued throughout the life of the Prophet (pbuh), and the other is the continuity and coordination of the issuance of the traditions with the events of the period of the presence of the Imams, such as the revelation of the verses of the Qur'an were in harmony with the events of the life of the Prophet (pbuh). Therefore, it seems that the way to be followed in the dating of Shia traditions should be similar to the dating method of the Orientalists in the Qur'an. Therefore, this research suggests the method of rereading Shia traditions based on the date of issuance. Although the Shiite scholars have been paying attention to the date of issuance of traditions for a long time, in practice, they have considered it only in special cases, and in most cases, this point has been neglected. While it should be kept in mind that the tradition of each imam (as) was not issued spontaneously but was based on the traditions from his fathers. Therefore, it is necessary to re-read and pay attention to the Shia traditions in the order of their issuance date.In the method of rereading Shia traditions based on the date of issuance, several steps must be taken in Shia traditions. First of all, since the transmitter have been committed to identify the infallible imam (as) from whom the tradition is heard ortransmitted, his traditions on a subject should be arranged in the order of the date of issue. In the second stage, one should try to arrange the traditions of each imam (as) in terms of the date of issuance, which is very difficult Because the transmitters have not been committed to mention the date and other details related, and perhaps ignoring it will not create a problem, Finally, according to the historical order of issuance, the traditions of a subject should be examined and with this precision, we may look for new points and a new understanding of the traditions.

Since the Shia traditions were issued gradually and during the lifetime of Fourteen Infallibles (as) and it is similar to the gradual revelation of the Quran, it seems that the benefits of the Qur'an dating method can also be followed in the Shia traditions. Because the dating of the Qur'an seeks to give a clearer interpretation of the verses by considering the connection between the revelation of the verses and the events of the era of revelation. According to the long period of the presence of the infallible Imams (as), the Shia traditions were issued gradually and during the ups and downs of their contemporary societies. Therefore, it is expected that the study of the texts and content of these traditions according to the historical order of issuing hadiths will lead us to a better understanding of them. This method faces some difficulties. The phenomenon of taqiyyah in Shia hadiths, as well as the possibility of errors by the transmitters of Shia hadiths and the existence of fabricated traditions may cause difficulties in the process of rereading.

Hadith is one of the important sources for understanding and knowing about different aspects of Islam. Hadith, like many other texts, needs explanation and interpretation, that's why scholars have been explaining it for a long time. Each of the hadith commentators has explained the hadiths with a special approach. Among these, we can mention two approaches, philosophical rationalism and transmitivism. In the Safavid era, some hadith commentators used these two approaches to explain hadiths. To better understand the effects of these two approaches in the method of understanding and explaining traditions, it is necessary to study them.

In this study, we use a comparative method to study the commentaries of two influential thinkers of the Safavid era, namely Mullā Ṣadrā and Muhammad Bāqir Majlesī, who are respectively a rationalist philosopher and a transmitivistic scholar, on the book Kāfī.

The result of this study shows that although there is no significant difference between Mullā Ṣadrā and Majlisī in explaining the meaning of words, in some cases, Mullā Ṣadrā's logical and philosophical view has been influential in his explanation of words. In morphological topics Even though Mullā Ṣadrā has paid attention more than Majlisī in some cases, but in cases where the discussion led to a difference in meaning, Majlisī has paid more attention to those matters than Mullā Ṣadrā. This difference between Mullā Ṣadrā and Majlisī is due to their attitude in explaining hadiths; Explaining that Mullā Ṣadrā often explains traditions with one aspect and does not tend to mention different aspects, but unlike him, Majlisī is very attentive in mentioning different aspects. In the topics of syntax Even though Mullā Ṣadrā pays attention to these topics, the Majlisī's attention to these topics is more than his. Perhaps one of the reasons for Majlisī's greater attention to these topics is his attention to different aspects of meaning in tradition, because as we have said, Majlisī is interested in mentioning different aspects of meaning in traditions, and different aspects of syntax sometimes lead to different aspects of meaning in tradition. In some cases, when Majlisī discussed syntax and Mullā Ṣadrā did not discuss syntax, or on the contrary, Mullā Ṣadrā discussed syntax but Majlisī did not discuss it. It is possible that there is a reason for taste. Another reason why Majlisī paid more attention to the discussion of syntax than Mullā Ṣadrā could be that Mullā Ṣadrā was more interested in explaining the content of the tradition and did not consider the discussion of syntax very important to him. Another possible reason is that Majlisī, influenced by some other interpretations of Kāfī, raised some syntactical debates and his attention to some syntactical debates is a result of this. Another point worth noting is that the source of tradition is not particularly important for Mullā Ṣadrā, but it is important for Majlisī. It seems that Mullā Ṣadrā's rationalism and mysticism and Majlisī's transmitivism have been influential in giving importance to the source of the traditions they cite, and it is as if for Mullā Ṣadrā that there is a reasonable aspect of the tradition in his opinion is enough for him to cite it, but for Majlisī, who is a transmitter, the source of the tradition is important and he was more careful in narrating the traditions. The reason for this state of tradition of Mullā Ṣadrā may be attributed to this tolerance in quoting from various sources, and the other is his lack of mastery over Shia traditions. Another point worth noting is that Mullā Ṣadrā used a lot of other works, with or without citing; But there is no trace of his benefiting from the explanations and margins that were written before him on Kāfī. Unlike Mullā Ṣadrā, Majlisī used a lot of other Kāfī commentaries in his explanation of Kāfī principles, and his reliance on them is surprisingly high. Also, it can be said that Mullā Ṣadrā quotes other people's words along the path of his own thought system, but Majlisī does not follow a particular coherent thought system, and sometimes quoting other people's words is centered for him. Majlisī is cautious and mentions various aspects in explaining hadiths, but unlike him, Mullā Ṣadrā explains the hadiths with a decisive statement and usually explains the traditions with only one aspect, and even if from others, what with reference and even if he quotes without reference, it is usually based on one aspect in the way of explaining the tradition.

Mullā Ṣadrā is from philosophy and mysticism and has used them in his commentary, but Majlisī does not have an optimistic view of philosophers and opposes them. However, Majlisī has quoted and used some sayings of philosophers in his description. Majlisī also disagrees with the Sufis, however, he also quotes from them. Investigations show that Majlisī was not against the principle of mysticism, but he was against some deviations. Another point is that although Majlisī did not oppose the principle of mysticism, but contrary to Mullā Ṣadrā's description of the principles of Kāfī, the talk of discovery, intuition and mysticism and their defense is not prominent in “Mir'āt al-‘uqūl”.

Understanding the ḥadīth is the next step after proving the issuance of the ḥadīth and making sure that the text is correct. Scholars, jurists and ḥadīth researchers have different principles and methods in understanding ḥadīth which have a great impact on the understanding of ḥadīth and its main and real purpose. In fact, understanding ḥadīth and understanding the real meaning of the pure narrators, which is the ultimate goal of all aḥādīth knowledges, is one of the most important and difficult knowledge of ḥadīth. The Infallible Imams (pbuh) have given a lot of advice on the science of critical study of transmission of tradition and understanding of ḥadīth. Al-Sheikh al-Ṣadūq, in his book Maʿānī l-ʾAkhbār has quoted from Dāwūd ibn Farqad from Imām al-Ṣādiq (pbuh) that the narrator said: I heard from Imam Ṣādiq (pbuh) that he said: "You are the best jurists, when you understand the meaning of our words." Sheikh Aʿzam writes: “The meaning of this tradition is to encourage Ijtihād and to use all one's strength in the way of understanding the meanings of the traditions.”

Jurists in their deductive jurisprudential books have criticized and evaluated many ḥadīths with bases and methods and have discovered the meaning and purpose of the transmitter of the hadith. Sheikh al-Anṣārī, the deep-thinking Shiʿa jurist, has also criticized and understood many ḥadīths in his jurisprudential and principal collections. The author tries to analyze his foundations and methods in understanding the ḥadīth with descriptive-analytical method by providing objective examples among his works, which no work has been observed in this regard. The Isnad or the text of the tradition may refer to damages such as Idrāj, Taṣḥīf, Taḥrīf, Taqdīm wa Ta’khīr, Iḍṭrāb, taqṭī’, transmitted to meaning, etc., which make it difficult to validate or understand it. The ḥadīth researcher should review the context of ḥadīth before beginning to understand ḥadīth and identify these damages and take necessary steps to eliminate them and access to an emended text of the ḥadīth to pave the way for the understanding of the ḥadīth.

Sheikh al-Anṣārī, in his jurisprudential and principal works, has noticed the damages that affect the correct understanding of ḥadīth in order to study the emergence and achieve the serious purpose of the Imam (pbuh), some of which are:The ḥadīth in the view of Sheikh al- Anṣārī should be examined before the process of understanding ḥadīth begins, so that it is not Taṣḥīf in it and it should be reconstructed, if it has Taṣḥīf. Sheikh al-Anṣārī applies the principle of non-misrepresentation if there is doubt about the occurrence of the Taṣḥīf in the narration. Sheikh al-Anṣārī considers the wrong understanding of some ḥadīths as a result of the negligence of the Idrāj occurred in the traditions, and although he did not use the term Idrāj and did not say that the narration is entered, but he noticed it and considered neglecting it as a reason for the slippage of others.Taqdīm wa Ta’khīr is one of the disadvantages of understanding the ḥadīth that has appeared in some ḥadīths and Sheikh al-Anṣārī paid attention to this damage and sometimes made it easier to understand the ḥadīth by showing it.It is necessary for a ḥadīth researcher from Sheikh al-Anṣārī's point of view to reconstruct an interrupted ḥadīth by referring to the original sources in order to have a correct understanding of the ḥadīth. He considers the exact semantics of some narrations to be dependent on seeing the entire narration, and brings the entire narration and explores the Infallible's meaning. Sheikh al-Anṣārī considered it permissible for a word in a ḥadīth to be transmitted in the meaning. He clarifies in the case that the original and the transmitted word's meaning differ only in the wording: "It is not permissible to transmit an muṭlaq tradition in a muqayyad manner, even if the transmitter acknowledges that it meant by muṭlaq is muqayyad manner, because this Ijtihād is from the transmitter and is only a proof for himself." Sheikh al-Anṣārī sometimes differentiates the tradition that transmitted to word from the tradition that transmitted to meaning by comparing similar narrations related to the same subject and by considering other evidences.One of the other problems of some ḥadīths that should be noticed before entering into the understanding of ḥadīth is having or showing Iḍṭrāb in ḥadīth. The extent of this problem is such that Muḥaqqiq al-Baḥrānī has claimed that there are few ḥadīths in al-Sheikh al-Ṭūsī’s Tahdhīb that are free of Ikhtilāl and Iḍṭrāb in the Isnad or text. Sheikh al-Anṣārī paid attention to this issue and tried to solve it. Sheikh al-Anṣārī points out: One of the problems that may cause misunderstanding in a ḥadīth is not to refer to similar and related ḥadīths, and therefore, in some cases, by referring to similar ḥadīths, Sheikh al-Anṣārī tried to remove the ambiguity of the ḥadīths.

The present research has dealt with some of these damages in Sheikh al-Anṣārī's viewpoint in a descriptive-analytical manner and has concluded that: factors such as not referring to primary references, Idrāj, Taṣḥīf, Taḥrīf, Taqdīm wa Ta’khīr, Iḍṭrāb, taqṭī’, transmitted to meaning and failure to refer to similar hadiths to remove ambiguity from the hadith has been considered by Sheikh al-Anṣārī, and even Sheikh al-Anṣārī himself has suffered from some of these damages and they have caused him to make mistakes in understanding the hadith in some cases.

Scholars of rijāl science have used the term “weak” to describe some transmitters. The introduction of a transmitter as weak by rijāl science scholars have caused our thinkers to treat the traditions of these transmitters differently. In the narrative and jurisprudential books of the Shī‘a, weak transmitters’ traditions have been treated in two ways. Some have taken the weakness of a transmitter as a sufficient reason to abandon his traditions, while many Ḥadīth scholars have included the traditions of weak transmitters in their Ḥadīth collections. These two different ways of treating the weak transmitters’ traditions lead to the hypothesis that the concept of weakness was not deemed by our early rijāl scholars as a sufficient reason for abandoning traditions.

The current main perception about the weakness of transmitter advocates abandoning such a transmitter’s traditions. However, the method adopted by Ḥadīth scholars in the early Ḥadīth sources and collections indicates that the Ḥadīth scholars accept the tradition of a transmitter whose ḥadīths can be trusted. Sometimes the narrator suffers weakness due to some reasons, but his book or tradition is trustable. Thus, their final decision is “trusting the transmitter’s tradition.” This does not mean that for the early rijāl scholars the weakness of transmitter has not been important; rather, the concept of weakness should have meant differently from abandonment decree.In the book al-Kāfī, Kulaynī has mentioned numerous traditions from weak transmitters. That is, he has not deemed the weakness of a transmitter as the weakness of tradition. Some jurisprudents, too, have taken the tradition of a weak transmitter as valid and capable of being used as the criterion for action. Riḍā Hamidānī, Muḥaqqiq Sabziwārī, Sheikh Anṣārī, Burūjirdī, and Ḥākīm do not take the weakness of transmitter as a factor to invalidate the tradition. Consequently, it is necessary to review the concept of weakness systematically and using description and analysis of data. It is essential to answer the question that despite the consideration of some transmitters as weak in the Shī‘a rijāl books, why a huge volume of their traditions have found their way into our tradition collections.

With regard to the entrance of weak transmitters in tradition collections, two points need to be taken into account: the transmitter’s role and the exception phenomenon. The examination of transmitters’ conditions shows that a transmitter can have two roles: (1) He can be the author of a work, or (2) he can be the narrator of others’ works. Of course, the transmitter can have both roles simultaneously, that is, while he is the owner of a Ḥadīth work, he can be the transmitter of others’ Ḥadīth works as well.
The Shī‘a rijāl scholars have completely taken these two aspects into account, and have ruled that the word “weak” pertains to a transmitter who owns the intended Ḥadīth work.Concerning the exception phenomenon, it should be maintained that in the Shī‘a rijāl books, the exception phenomenon has been divided into four types: exception of pupils, exception of masters, exception of a specific part of one or some Ḥadīth works of the intended transmitter, or exception of a specific part of the intended concepts. Moreover, there is a consideration for the exception of the transmitter’s corruption time as well. One of the accurate viewpoints held by rijāl scholars is that they do not generalize their stance to and treatment of a weak transmitter to all his works. For instance, if the transmitter has experienced opinion changes during his lifetime, the rijāl scholars do not make a general judgment about all his works; they rather separate the traditions he has transmitted during his steadfast and corrupt periods.In the light of the types of transmitter roles and exception phenomenon in rijāl science, two results are obtained:From the viewpoint of rijāl scholars, a weak transmitter can have a ṣaḥīḥ tradition. Ṭūṣī states, “If a tradition does not have any indication of ṣiḥat, we do not accept it, but if it has signs of ṣiḥat, we accept it even if its transmitter is weak” (Ṭūsī, 1403 AH, vol. 1: 151).A weak transmitter can be authentic in the transmitting of works.Therefore, since some traditions of weak transmitters enjoyed indications of ṣiḥat and were deemed as obligatory to be put into practice, they found their way into our tradition collections, and other traditions that did not have any indication of ṣiḥat were not included in these books. Thus, it is possible for a transmitter to be weak but whose traditions be deemed as valid. This issue conflicts with the concept of weakness, which means abandoning traditions.

The existence of a weak transmitter in valid sources demonstrates that the transmitter weakness does not mean abandoning and rejecting his traditions in an absolute manner. Thus, in order to attain a true understanding of the concept of weakness in the five rijāl books of the Shī‘a, we addressed the reason for the existence of traditions of weak transmitters in Ḥadīth collections. The results indicated that since some traditions of weak transmitters enjoyed ṣiḥat indications that made putting them into practice as obligatory, they have found their way into our tradition collections, and other traditions that were void of ṣiḥat indications were not included in those collections. Therefore, it is possible for a transmitter to be weak but whose traditions be valid. This view is different from taking weakness as meaning a sufficient reason to reject a weak transmitters’ traditions. In fact, the weakness of the transmitter is kullī mushakkik and it is strongable and vulnerable.

Knowing the sect of the transmitter has an undeniable role in validating his hadiths. If the transmitter is “Thaqah” but a follower of the other sect than Imamism, his hadith is considered "Muwathaq" and when it conflicts with the ṣaḥīḥ hadith (i.e. the narration of Imami Thaqah), according to some views, the ṣaḥīḥ narration is preferred. It should also be said that the sect of the transmitter forms a part of his personality which can be used to understand better his traditions and also makes us pay more attention when he quotes unbiased hadiths towards other branches of Islam, Because by knowing the transmitter's sect, so that our confidence in those hadiths decreases or increases according to the cases.

In order to discover the sect of a transmitter, usually above all, one relies on the opinion of the authors of rijālī sources about him, while there can also be various other evidences that do not deal directly with the sect of the transmitter, but nevertheless, but it can be said that in some cases, even from the words of the old rijālī, they get more accurate data about his sect, because many of these evidences are based on sense, while some of the opinions of the early rijālīs are likely to be the result of guess and ijtihād; Therefore, based on these clues, it is even possible to judge the views of the early rijālīs. Some of these proofs are as follows:The content of a transmitter's hadiths: The presence of specific Shia or Sunni themes in the transmitter's hadiths raises the possibility of him following that sect, especially if the hadiths are from his own books.Using the specific literature of a religious sect: for example, using the term "Ijmāʿ ʾAhl al-Bayt" which is used in Zaydīah atmosphere can indicate the transmitter's adherence to this sect, or at least he was influenced by it.The city and neighborhood of the transmitter's life: for example, the transmitter's life in a city like Qum, which was almost the exclusive residence of the followers of the Imāmī religion, can be an important clue in this context.Relatives of the transmitter: If we discover that the relatives of the transmitter, especially his very close relatives, followed a certain sect, the possibility of his following that sect is worthy of attention, especially if several of his relatives follow a certain sect. Also, the companions of a transmitter can also be worthy of attention to some extent in this context.The absence of who carries specific sect among transmitter’s masters and geography of his travels for hadiths: for example, if we see a Muḥaddith in Baghdād, despite having easy access to the great Imāmī transmitters, he did not receive any hadith from them, this is a significant proof of his non-Imāmī. Also, if we understand that he did not travel to a city like Qum, which is one of the important centers of Imāmī hadith, despite his many travels, it can be another proof in this field.Taraḥḥum and Taraḍḍī: Considering the fact that Islamic scholars usually do not use the terms "raḥamahu allah" and "raḍīya allahu ʿanhu" for the followers of other sects,  if we see that these terms are used in their words about a Muḥaddith, it can indicate that the Muḥaddith follows their sect (at least in their belief).The method of funeral rites and prayer of the transmitter: In the same way, if there are reports of Muḥaddith’s funeral and rites regarding his death in a way that was only compatible with a particular sect, it can be a proof in this field.

The Muḥaddith that we are going to study in this article is Muḥammad ibn ʿUmar al-Jiʿābī (d. 355 AH). He is considered one of the great Muḥaddithun of Baghdād and one of the scholars of rijāl in Sunni sources, who is also praised in Imāmī sources. The existence of massive data about his life and education, on one hand, and the differences of opinion about his sect (whether he is an Imāmī or not), on the other hand, make him a worthy example to find out his true sect by implementing the aforementioned methods. And by studying these elements, it becames clear that al-Jiʿābī – unlike what some researchers think – cannot be an Imāmī: al-Jiʿābī collected the commentary (Tafsīr) of Malīk ibn ʾAnas (d. 179), in a book, and also authored another book about the hadiths of Abū Hanīfah (d. 150), with no comments on their quotations. He’s also written a book called “man ḥaddatha ʿan al-nabī huwa wa abūhu ʾaw eaʾāhu” which by looking through its contents we can see that it has no compatibility with the beliefs of the Imāmīs. In addition, he narrated various hadiths about the virtues of the three calīphs. In addition, al-Jiʿābī's uncles and probably his father were Sunnis. In addition, al-Jiʿābī was also the judge of Mūṣil, and such a position in a city like Mūṣil is not compatible with him being an Imāmī. It is also worth noting that although al-Jiʿābī was fascinated by traveling (for hadiths), he never traveled to Qum, the stronghold of Imāmī Hadith, and he did not narrate Hadith from any of the Imāmī Sheikhs even in Baghdad itself. Moreover, al-Jiʿābī lived in the neighborhood of Bāb al-Baṣra in Baghdad, which belonged to the fanatical Sunnis and was known for decades with this characteristic, and the funeral prayer for him after his death was held in the Jāmiʿ al-Manṣūr mosque, which was always a place for Sunnis to hold funerals, and Shiites have no connection with it.

Given this number of different clues, it seems that al-Jiʿābī's Shia tendencies (which made someone like Nadīm (d. 385 AH) consider him a Shia), mean general Shiism (not Twelver Shiism exclusively) and he was not an Imāmī, or at least, it cannot be proved that he was an Imāmī.

Sunnah and Hadith, which is considered to be one of the oldest and most practical sources in Ulum Quran (Quranic sciences), covers a wide range of usage in the works of Mohammad Hadi Ma’refat (1309-1385 AH). If we consider the Quranic sciences as all the knowledge that is in the position of better understanding of the verses of the Quran, this important Quranic scholar has used it in a proper way in his traditional and narrative interpretation, i.e. al-Tafsīr al-Atharī al-Jāmi’. On the one hand, we can see that from the very first era, the traditions are very useful in the field of discovering the concepts of Quranic sciences; And on the other hand, this source has been more or less neglected by scholars of Quranic sciences. The connection of the concepts of Quranic sciences with texts of traditions is more understandable with a broader view of the definition of Quranic sciences. In her theories of Quranic sciences, Ayatollah Ma'raf has actually turned to the serious review and application of hadiths and based them on the centrality of the Qur'an; By analyzing the concepts of Quranic sciences in the acceptable traditions of the Ahl al-Bayt (a.s.) and the Companions, he has developed theories, differentiated and explained these concepts. He starts all Quranic issues from Quran and ends with Hadith and vice versa; This hadith approach can be a terminal chapter in the issue of the place of Sunnah and Hadith from his perspective. In order to explain this issue, the present article is an example of the theories of Batn, gradual abrogation, the revelation of the Qur'an on the Laylat al-Qadr and the revelation at the time of the Prophethood, the immortality and non-distortion of the Qur'an, tradition of Jary wa taṭbīq etc. has been proposed to show that this Qur'anic scholar's reference to the Hadith is very open and can be extracted.

The present research has analyzed the collection of works of Ayatollah Ma’refat with the descriptive-analytical method and the use of library sources in order to extract the researcher's views on the most important issues of Quranic sciences. The most important finding of this research and in comparison, with other views of scholars shows that his view is more towards the hadith of Ahl al-Bayt (as). According to other words, Ayatollah Ma’refat has paid attention to the topics of Quranic sciences with the idea that he considers the Ahl al-Bayt (as) to be the authority for complete knowledge of Quranic teachings and has examined the position of these topics in his works with such a basis.He also used the farīqayn’s hadiths, so besides the hadiths of the infallible imams (as), therefore, along with the hadiths of the infallible imams, he has also used the authentic traditions of the Sunnis. Considering the emphasis of knowledge on the basis of its theories on Imamiyyah and Sunni traditions, the authors of this article have also paid attention to the hadith collections of farīqayn in their library study.

Traditions in many cases, in the position of presenting on ẓawāhir or texts of the Quranic verses, play a significant role in recognizing or explaining the concepts of the Quranic sciences of Ayatollah Ma’refat; Unlike many Quranic scholars, Ayatollah Ma’refat uses the narrations of the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet (pbuh) and the infallible imams (as) and even the Companions as evidence in the theories of Quranic sciences, especially the topics of revelation, abrogation, similar, etc. As an example, distinguishing between the beginning of the mission and the beginning of the revolution, examining the examples of gradual abrogation (in women beat's verses, prohibition of slavery, prohibition of wine) and the theory of baṭn and the non-distortion of the Qur'an, immortality, etc. As one of his interpretative sources, the traditions of the meanings of words and the occasions of revelation, are from companions with special conditions and their followers. In general, Ayatollah Ma’refat considers Sunnah and Hadith to be essential in understanding the Qur'an and believes that there are some things in the Qur'an that cannot be explained except through tradition, such as legislation that is generally stated in the Qur'an, or things like the statement of abrogating from abrogated that the Quran has not mentioned all its dimensions, angles and details, and the intellect does not lead anywhere;When faced with the concepts of Quranic sciences, he believes in the authenticity of the Quran and the authenticity of accepted traditions, which are adopted with a moderate view after revision from Shia and Sunni sources. The main reason for distinguishing him from other Qur'an scholars is this issue, which leads to the clarification of the link between the Qur'an and hadiths. One of the clear and prominent results of this research is his approximation approach in the investigations of the Quranic sciences, which is a special symbol of it in the book of al-Tafsīr al-Atharī al-Jāmi'.

The expression "ana qatīl al-'abarat" is a narrative text applied by Imam Hussain (as) as a special adjective and epithet about himself. The semantics of this narrative proposition has long been considered by hadith researchers but these efforts are frequently devoted to the superficial dimension of the concept of qatīl al-'abarat. In these views, there is no mention of the purpose and analysis of the use of "'abarat", instead of "bukā’" or "dam'at". However, the word 'abarat has important points that a superficial look at its concept leads to a one-dimensional understanding of the phrase "ana qatīl al-'abarat".

To understand the text of the narrative more precisely and beyond superficiality, the following article focuses on three parts:The first part is devoted to the analysis of the concept of 'abarat, which in order to achieve its exact concept, the discussion of historical linguistics and etymology of the word "'a,ba,ra", in the written forms of  'abarat/ 'ibrat, has been considered.The second part evaluates the opinions of the thinkers in explaining the meaning of "ana qatīl al-'abarat", which some of the results of the first part have been used here. In the third section, the narrative study of the component of "explaining the aims of Imam Hussein's uprising" and analyzing the relationship between "Shedding Tears and accept advice" is of interest. In order to organize these three sections, the present paper is written in a library method in collecting materials and a descriptive-analytical method in removing the ambiguity of the conceptual concept of "ana qatīl al-'abarat". The most important content in these chapters is the following:

a) semantics of the "'a,ba,ra", with the axis of rooting in Semitic languages In this section, to recognize the semantic relationships affecting the concept of qatīl al-'abarat the concepts of the article 'a,ba,ra, in Hebrew, Aramaic Targum, Syrian, Arabic, etc. The focus of this study was considered.A general view of the concepts of the 'a,ba,ra article in these languages show the connection between conceptual continuity in Arabic with other Semitic languages.The general attitude towards the concepts of 'a,ba,ra in these languages indicates a strong connection between Arabic and other Semitic languages. The primary concept of 'a,ba,ra in most of these languages is based on the meaning of "passing, passage". In Arabic, the word 'abra is one of the words which, although its meaning evolved from the original concept, its conceptual origin returns to the original meaning (to pass). Because It is a kind of passing along with sadness and advice that passes through the depths of human being and flows over the eyes.B) evaluating the views of thinkers in explaining the meaning of "ana qatīl al-'abarat".In this section, the approaches of scholars in explaining the meaning of "ana qatīl al-'abarat" have been evaluated. These votes are divided into five categories:qatīl al-'abarat, adding cause to effect 2. qatīl al-'abarat, refers to the pressure and sadness of the day of martyrdom 3. killed to attract divine mercy 4. killed for the unshed cry of the oppressed 5. killed for the tears that have already flowed. The similarity of these approaches is that there is no mention of the purpose and analysis of the use of "'abra", instead of "bukā’" or "dam'at". It is also understood from the appearance of this hadith that Imam Hussain (as) seeks to express the purpose of his martyrdom, Therefore, considering that the scholars have not addressed the true cause of martyrdom and have not paid attention to the concept of " 'a,ba,ra" and " 'abrat", and " 'ibrat", it has caused some ambiguities in the concept of narration.C) Conceptual components of "ana qatīl al-'abarat".In this section, other words of Imam Husayn (as) are discussed in explaining the purpose of the uprising and the ultimate cause of martyrdom to achieve the purpose of "qatīl al-'abarat". In ordertoorganizethe discussion, two stages are placed of consideration: first, explaining the objectives of the uprising of Imam Hussain (as), and second, exploring the feasibility of the link of "weeping - wisdom."In the first stage, the goals of the uprising of Imam Hussein (as) were tracked at both social and individual levels. The goal of the uprising in the social sphere was "reforming society and enjoining good and proscribing evil" and the individual point:"learning from the Imam's rise through the passage of the internal stage, to the outer declaration by tear".This reading, which is deduced from the narrations of Imam al-Husayn, indicates that the individual characteristic points are in harmony with the semantic findings of "'abrat", and "'ibrat”.In the second stage, the components of weeping and learning are the place of attention, in which the study of heart cry and useful tears are investigated, and the relationship between "bukā’" - 'abrat" and wisdom. The result of the discussion at this stage implies that 'abrat refers to a special type of tears that, as a result of being advised, passes through the from the depth of human existence being and flows through the eye.
'abrat is based on the "heart cry and useful tears" and its distinction with "bukā’" is revealed.

The result of all findings is based on the concept of the meaning of the phrase "qatīl al-'abarat" is reread as follows: I was killed so that the wise could shed beneficial tears by being influenced, instructed, and getting advice by my uprising, and through this heartfelt cry, individual-social behaviors could be corrected.

Pilgrimage the house of allah has a so valuable place in Islam and Many rewards have been mentioned for its pilgrims. The reward of Hajj, which is one of the strict orders of Islamic branches, and Umrah, which is one of the recommended pilgrimages, differ from each other in terms of the quality and spirit of the actions in the traditions. There are traditions about this rule that mention different rewards for it including: health, eradication of poverty, paradise, the place where the unforgivable sin is forgiven and more rewards than the one who spends gold is equivalent to Mount Abu Qubays for pilgrims to the house of God and more rewards that the pilgrims' actions are united, the rewards are different and have caused doubts and ambiguities. According to the traditions that enter allah House Pilgrimage, it is appropriate that these traditions are evaluated in terms of isnads and content and the reasons for the difference in rewards are determined while the pilgrims act in unity.

The current research is organized in a descriptive-analytical way and aims to explain the key points involved in different rewards, the reasons for the difference in the rewards of visiting the house of God, while analyzing the unity of the pilgrims' actions, and evaluating its traditions in terms of isnad and content.For this aim, each of the transmitters has been examined from the point of view of authority, and the authenticity and validity of the traditions in the series of records have been assessed from the point of view of the isnad, and the quality of these traditions has been examined due to its content.

In the traditions about the reward of pilgriming God's house, these traditions have been taken into consideration in terms of isnad, which are linked to the Imam (as) by a authentic and Imami man, except for one tradition which is weak and this tradition is also a Musnad. Assuming the weakness of Isnad of one tradition from among the traditions, this tradition cannot be a strong reason for discarding the traditions of multiple Hajjes, because the text of these tradition is consistent with the Quranic verses, other authentic hadiths and common sense. And in terms of content, it seems that the spiritual factors involved in pilgrimage, such as discretion and will, knowledge, intention, attention to the principle of the Imamate, the difficult conditions of the pilgrim, the time, place, and political conditions cause the quality of the pilgrimage of the pilgrims to differ from each other and the difference in the reward of the pilgrims.And these factors stemming from the two-dimensionality of the human being (physical and spiritual dimension) and internal movements, including: the level of knowledge and the purity of communication, can increase or decrease the value of work and its reward.

According to the Isnad and content analysis of the traditions of visiting the house of allah, it is found that:The traditions about the reward of visiting God's house were narrated by Rijālī from the trustworthy and reliable transmitters and were connected to the infallible Imam (pbuh) and they are also from the authentic and valid source. Despite the authenticity of the traditions and the reliability of their transmitters, assuming that there is a flaw in the hadiths, it cannot deny the principle of the traditions; Because the text of the traditions on the reward of visiting God's house is consistent with the traditions of the reward of pilgrimage by Knowing his right and the traditions of Hajj with Imamate in the traditions and in the Qur'anic verses with grace, kindness, and unaccountable reward in the reward of deeds.Based on the rule of tasāmuḥ and tasāḥul, in order to encourage and directing pilgrims to visit, to overcome God's mercy, to give rewards according to the criteria of God's mercy and grace, and the doom is measured according to divine justice, which does not punish people more than they deserve, which causes the increase of rewards. but this multiplicity does not imply the number, and the limited human intellect has remained oblivious to theunderstanding of the mentioned matters in the distribution of rewards due to the dominance of physics, materiality and everyday life.In terms of content, the reasons for the difference in the reward of visiting the house of God, despite the unity of the pilgrims' actions, depends on the amount of authority and will, knowledge, intention, time and place conditions, political, hardship, the principle of Imamate and leadership, and in general, the quality of the pilgrims' actions. These characteristics cause the difference in the reward of the pilgrims of God's house despite the unity of their actions.

The Messenger of God (pbuh) established the knowledge of Hadith in Medina by interpreting the verses of the Qur'an and statement the Hadith. Listening tand transmission of Hadiths by the companions and Successors in Medina, the appearance of jurists and traditionists such as the seven jurists of Medina and Mālik ibn Anas, and the religious policies of the Umayyads led to the centrality and authority of Medina in the transmission and publication of Hadiths. Until the second century, due to lack of familiarity, jurists and traditionists of Islamic lands did not accept Hadiths common in cities other than Medina (Trans-regional). The main issue of this article is to explain the authority and superiority of medina Traditionists in the first two centuries; and analyzing the contexts and effective factors in the formation of the discourse of trans-regional  in accepting of Hadith, recording and validating of the Hadiths that transmitted the non-medina traditionists. In this research, will be examined, firstly, the effective factors in the centrality of Medina in hadith and its jurists, and in the continue the factors of appearance the trans-regional hadith discourse and the social, cultural and political backgrounds in different Islamic lands among the Sunnis in the acceptance of this discourse.

This article explains the developments and changes of social, religious and political phenomena with descriptive-analytical method and using historical and hadith sources. The efforts of the authors of this research have been based on identifying the social and political phenomena of the earlier centuries and adapting them to the internal developments of knowledge and jurisprudence. In such a way that it is possible to explain a series of developments in jurisprudence and hadith and its impact on the social context.

Since the first Islamic century, there was a discourse under the title of centrality of Medina and its jurists in hadith. A discourse that emphasizes the authority of the jurists of Medina and tries not to accept the hadith of the jurists of other Islamic lands. Beyond that, the jurist must be from Medina; The importance of Medina was such that the actions of the Muslims of this city can be considered as one of the ways to discover the Prophetic tradition. At the same time, the hadiths that introduced the people of Medina as the most knowledgeable; It has indicated the importance of the concept of superiority of the Hadith scholars and medina jurists. Since the time of Mālik, a discussion led by Laith ibn Sa’īd (175 AH) was growing and developing in Egypt and other Islamic cities; who did not accept the dominance and centrality of Medina in hadith. The beginning of Malik's correspondence with Laith ibn Sa’īd shows Malik's sense of danger from ignoring the centrality of Medina in hadith. In Malik's reply, Leith argued the differences between Medina jurists and the dispersion of Medina traditionists in different lands; And he created doubt the authority and centrality of Medina jurists in hadith. From the era of the four caliphs, some Companions migrated to the conquered lands for Jihad, Emirate, religious teachings and judgment. The presence of important people in other lands such as ‘Abdullah ibn Masūd and ‘Ammār Yāsir in Kufa, ‘Abdullah ibn ‘Abbās in Makkah, Abū Mūsā Ash'arī in Basra, ‘Amru ʽās and his son ‘Abdullah in Egypt, Abū Dardā Anṣārī, Ma'ādh ibn Jabal and AbūDhar Ghifārī in Syria; and the formation of hadith circles in these lands provided the backgrounds of breaking the authority of medina native hadith approach in Islamic lands. The formation of hadith circles in the lands of Kufa, Basra, Syria, and Egypt, centered on the Companions during the first century, was able to very slowly create the backgrounds for the appearance of the discourse of trans-region in hadith. Specializing in jurisprudence under the influence of the social needs of the newly established Abbasid government, development of Islamic lands and the entry of different ethnicities and nationalities into the Islamic society had an impact on the formation of the thought of trans-regional in hadith. Also, traveling for hadiths was one of the important factors in familiarizing traditionalists with hadiths of other lands and the formation of trans-regional thinking in hadith. By examining the leaders of the appearance of trans-regional thought in the second century, two points are noteworthy. First, persons like Awzā'i, Thawrī, Laith ibn Saʻīd, Ibn Mubārak, Shaibānī and Ibn ʻUyaynah all appeared from cities other than Medina. Second, unlike Mālik that he did not leave Medina to receive hadith; All of them had traveled to receive Hhadith.

Historical evidence shows that  with the spread of Islam in different lands, Migration of companions from medina for the conquests and propagation of Islam, the formation of Hadith circles in cities such as Kufa and Basra centered on the companions, the gathering of traditionists in Baghdad as the center of the Abbasid trans-ethnic government, the traveling of traditionists to different cities for receiving Hadiths; the main and effective factors  were provided  in the gradual formation and institutionalization of the trans-regional discourse in Hadith. The efforts of traditionists of Islamic lands to collect and write hadith; and the non-Arabic origin of a large number of jurists did not fit with the centrality of Medina approach in hadith. In the meantime, the traditionists who had a non-medina origin were influenced by the travels for receiving hadith, and the listening to hadith by traditionists of different Islamic lands proposed trans-regional thoughts. Shāfi'ī institutionalized the flow of trans-regional discourse in hadith by providing criteria for evaluating the hadiths of different lands and writing the first book "Al-Riasālah" in Baghdad, the trans-ethnic city of the Abbasid era. In order to solve the problem of conflicting hadiths, he wrote the book "Ikhtilāf al -Ḥadīth "; And for the first time, he put together the hadiths of the transmitters of different cities and presented ways to resolve the inconsistencies of these hadiths. Therefore, it is not a coincidence that he wrote the book "Ikhtilāf al-Ḥadīth" and officially accepted the discourse of trans-regional in Hadith.