نشریه مطالعات اوراسیای مرکزی
پیاپی 32 (بهار و تابستان 1402)

The authentic culture of the Caucasus can be found in the handicrafts of this region, which is tied to the culture of Iran and shows the creativity, thought and taste of the people of this land. The diversity of climate, weather and culture was well reflected in the variety of handicrafts of the people of the Caucasus during the period of Tsarist Russia, which had a great impact on the family economy.With the occupation of the Caucasus in the territory of the Tsarist Russian Empire, the government's economic policies in the Caucasus, during the period of establishing the sovereignty were accompanied by many problems to determine the relationship of the South Caucasus with the governing body. Different points of view would fail and as a result, neither the central government nor the local government could pursue a coherent policy. Despite this, the Caucasus never found a better place than a reliable raw material depot for Central Russian industries.The first half of the 19th century until the peasant reforms in 1861 AD, handicrafts in the Caucasus in order to strengthen the regional economy, social welfare and restore the relationship between the people and the government, in line with the general policies of the government, found an opportunity for prosperity and active participation in domestic and international markets such as Nizhny Novgorod; To the extent that they do not dominate the sale of Russian products in the region and serve the central Russian industries to supply their raw materials, so that perhaps by changing their customs and traditions, they can become closer to the Russian culture. Handicrafts played a great role in the region's self-sufficiency, depending on the geographical conditions of the region to respond to the needs and solve them or provide welfare.With the peasant reforms of 1861, the economic conditions in the Caucasus underwent many changes and colonial policies became more apparent than before. The Caucasus became a largest warehouse of raw materials and a larger sales market for Central Russian industries. Handicrafts became the target of this policy and Caucasian family management gradually changed. At the end of the 19th century, the number of artisans decreased sharply, but instead, the prosperity of some crafts increased and because these industries had great economic values ​​for the benefit of the government, the government took steps to develop these industries.The South and North Caucasus had completely different conditions in terms of agriculture. Because the share of fertile agricultural land in the North Caucasus was more, agriculture flourished in this region and handicrafts were produced to the extent of their needs, but a large part of the land in the South Caucasus was made up of pastures, which had good conditions for ranching. For this reason, a lot of wool, silk and leather were produced in this region, and due to the lack of suitable land for agriculture and on the other hand, to fill leisure time in the cold season, handicrafts flourished. Research question: The main goal of this research is to answer the question of what role handicrafts played in the Caucasian family economy in the last century of Tsarist Russia.Research Hypothesis: Our hypothesis in this historical research is based on the fact that according to the agricultural and rural structure, climate diversity, available raw materials and socio-political conditions in the Caucasus under the Russian occupation, handicrafts by expanding the spirit of participation of family members and raising the level of employment and increasing per capita income bears a significant part of the economic burden. The current fundamental research is based on qualitative method of content analysis, the tool is historical data which is analyzed with a descriptive-analytical approach. Although the tsarist Russian government could not have a coherent policy regarding the role of the Caucasus in the imperial policy, it turned the Caucasus into a reliable source of raw materials for Central Russian industries. From the point of view of the government, the development of handicrafts in the Caucasus was justified to some extent so that they would not dominate the sale of Russian products in the region and serve the industries of Central Russia. Despite this, the role of handicrafts in the family economy in the Caucasus was large, and it was a function of geographical conditions, people's lifestyle, access to primary resources, culture and politics, and according to geographical and cultural conditions, it had a lot of diversity and most people were engaged in several fields. In addition, handicrafts provided the opportunity for the participation of all family members in strengthening the family economy, and each family member at any age worked in a part of handicrafts depending on his abilities. People's employment during the cold season, when communication routes between villages and cities were closed, provided a very good opportunity to strengthen the Caucasian family's economy, which in addition to entertainment, also brought income. With the industrial development in the region, in the late 19th century and early 20th century, some handicrafts flourished in this region and became the main occupation of the people in the South Caucasus. The share of handicrafts in the family economy of the South Caucasus was higher than that of the North Caucasus, and it covered nearly one third of the living expenses of the families of the South Caucasus, which contributed more to their expenses in the conditions of war, unrest and drought.

Certain and accepted patterns prevailed in the political and cultural life system of Muslims in the pre-modern era, which generally underwent changes with the arrival of the new era in the 19th century and the active action of the colonists. Central Asia was part of the extensive Islamic lands that experienced such a process. Parts of this vast geography were annexed to Russia with the dissolution of a part of the political structure and the formation of the General Governorate of Turkestan and two other political units of the Emirate of Bukhara and Khanate of Khiva were also preserved in the form of protectorate powers. In more than half a century of Russian presence, they implemented the policy of Russification in order to make changes in various political, social, cultural and even political geography fields and finally adapt the region to the empire.Research Question: The ambiguity that forms in the mind during the study of the historical documents of this period is that, unlike many social and cultural contexts in Central Asia, family status and women's lives experienced little change and very little experience of modern change under Tsarist Russia.The above ambiguity becomes more important when we know that in the general process of the entry of the Muslim word into the modern world order and the entry of colonial countries into them, in general, there have been changes in the social and political actions of women and the passivity of women in Central Asia or the lack of change in their lives is not compatible with the current trend in other Islamic lands, including Iran and Egypt. Based on this duality (incidence of changes in most fields and lack of change in women's lives) , the question of this article is designed in such a way that why the life of women in Central Asia and family-state relations do not change much during the presence of Tsarist Russia in the region?Research Hypothesis: We believe that the lack of change in women's lives in Central Asia is because the Tsarist Empire, as an Eastern power, has recently been influenced by the flow of Western modernity, as well as the continuation of cultural traditionalism in its society, so in the field of women, it has behaved differently compared to Europe.

What seemed necessary in the rest of the article to find the answer to this problem was to provide a definition of the concept of change, that is, what do we mean when we talk about the occurrence of change or its non-occurrence? Using the theory of Guy Rocher 's social change, we found this indicator that to examine a particular community, when a behavior has clearly changed over time, we can talk about change and this difference has continued and effects on the construction or tasks of the social organization and changing its flow. According to this definition of change, the current article (with a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach and data collection from historical documents) while describing the two currents of conservative and Russian radicalism and their attitude towards women, deals with the evolution in this field.

Our research findings show that unlike many political and social fields, the definition of the world of women in Russia shows many similarities and commonalities with the social life of Muslim women in Central Asia, and it can be clearly seen in many surviving works from this period of Russian history. Despite all the ups and downs in this approach and despite reaching the peak of power and adopting modernist policies by some tsars (such as Peter the Great and Catherine), in general, this traditional view was preserved to a large extent, so that such an approach is fully reflected in literary works that are the manifestation of social life. In the 19th century, right at the time of advancement and the peak of domination over Central Asia, although this traditional view was slightly broken by the Western trend and changes occurred in Russia in the field of women's lives, the duality of traditionalists and modernists and their ideological competition has still kept its shadow on this issue. Therefore, we are witnessing the lack of alignment in policy making in women's life and the ineffectual pressures of Russian Westerners in Central Asia.The result of this was that during half a century of the presence of Tsarist Russia in Central Asia, the Tsarist authorities could not implement a coherent and unified policy to change the living environment of women and the family state.

By returning to the theory of "Guy Roche" we conclude that the definition he had as a social scientist of social change and the indicators he expressed for a change, cannot be found in the context of Russia's colonial practice of women in Central Asia. The answer we got at the end of the research can be summarized as follows: " The predominance of the traditional discourse in Russia about women and the divergence of the two currents of Westernism and the Slavophilic attitude towards women have caused inconsistency in the policy of Russians in this field.  Therefore, unlike other fields, there have been no lasting and extensive changes in this field.

The transition to democracy or even the beginning of the democratization process is affected by various factors that researchers have pointed out based on their theoretical tendencies: modernization, economic situation, external pressure, integration of trust networks in public policy, trust in the government. Institutions have been introduced as effective factors in the transition. Political culture, which is generally based on the link between politics, culture, and especially the influence of culture, beliefs and values in the cultural structure of political societies, is included in this matter. The participation of citizens in political issues and government affairs is very important in the establishment of the system and it requires the active participation of people in their destiny and their society with rational judgment for intervention and be effective in making decisions to achieve national goals and at the same time in determining public policies and how to govern the country. In the last hundred years, Afghanistan has gone through many periods to achieve the rule of law, the right to vote, the enjoyment of civil rights and liberties and the limitation of the powers of rulers and politicians to enact laws and constitutions.Research Question: This research seeks to answer the question that according to the political and cultural conditions of Afghanistan, what factors have hindered the transition to a democratic and participatory political culture?Research Hypothesis: Due to the structural weaknesses and widespread administrative corruption of Afghanistan's previous political system, democracy has had less opportunity to grow and spread in this country.

In this research, due to the researcher's inability to travel to Afghanistan after the Taliban took control of this country, it was not possible to identify a statistically significant population for the survey. Therefore, interviews were conducted with selected individuals by asking a series of questions. The interview consisted of 17 questions and a personal information table. Factors that were important for the interviews included indicators such as gender, religion, ethnicity, literacy level and residence in Afghanistan. Therefore, people were identified who were either living in Afghanistan or recently immigrated from Afghanistan or came to Iran for a trip. After providing necessary infrastructure for conducting the interviews and identifying the selected individuals, the data for this study were collected through semi-structured interviews, the sample size of this study.In this study, through open coding, more than 120 concepts were extracted from meaningful sentences. These concepts were combined in 22 subcategories and 13 main categories and a final core category, "Obstacles to Participatory and Democratic Political Culture in Afghanistan," was extracted from all the main categories.

In this research, the central and fundamental issue that always emerges from the data and to which all other main issues are related is "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan". The central phenomenon of this study explains what obstacles prevent the establishment of a democratic and participatory political culture in Afghanistan. Additionally, because the central phenomenon is constructed from key concepts such as "inefficiency of the national government in the context of historical developments", "weakness of national and local political institutions", "marginalization and elimination of women and political elites in society", "political passivity and disillusionment of people in the shadow of a rent-seeking and independent government", and "lack of political outlook growth and structural and administrative corruption as barriers to democracy", it is called "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan."

The main concern of this research is to identify the structural and mental obstacles that have prevented the democratization of the political system in Afghanistan for years. According to Huntington's action-oriented approach, which focuses on the analysis of factors preventing the transition to democracy, the structure of the non-democratic political system of Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021, with fewer opportunities for political expansion and development within the framework of democracy, can be viewed from the perspective of nationalism. He has analyzed monopolization, administrative corruption and rent-seeking, suppression of political parties and organizations, lack of rule of law, unhealthy and non-transparent elections, and factors of this kind, all of which contribute to the failure to transition to a democratic and participatory political culture in the country. An important point that is constantly visible under the comments of the participants and has been mentioned in the main and sub-categories, is the strong demand of the people to hold safe and transparent elections and of course to emphasize the constructive and effective activities of political institutions. Although the level of political participation in Afghanistan is low due to the above-mentioned reasons, the result of this research points to the lack of development of the desired political attitude of democracy in this country, therefore this does not mean that people feel the need for constructive and decisive participation in their political destiny. They don't have it, except that the maximum demand is to hold safe elections with the presence of candidates from various ethnic and religious spectrums, which will be postponed for the time being when the Taliban comes back to power. Successful democratization in Afghanistan depends on the existence of developed socio-economic structures with the condition of the presence of civil society, the positive role of foreign and international factors and the appropriate democratic model among political elites, which increases the possibility of achieving it. Without any of these elements, democratization will not take place.

The Silk Road, as a symbol of inter-civilizational dialogue and ethnic convergence and the strengthening of cultural contexts, has been less studied from a legal perspective. The interaction of very diverse and unfamiliar tribes with each other has always been a source of tension and a source of conflict and disputes over trade and communication. Historically, peace-seeking and understanding beyond the mere implementation of formal judicial mechanisms, in the event of legal disputes in the interactions and communications of the Silk Road (model of restorative legal peace-seeking), in comparison with punitive and penal means, paved the way for caravans and the passage of caravans It was silk. Legal peace-seeking without relying on legislation, in the modern sense, and bureaucratic litigation has perpetuated a culture of peace and mediation and conciliation in common crimes committed along the Silk Road throughout the history of this region of the world.According to the findings of the article, the most important pillar of international relations - especially contractual and customary legal cooperation - rests on the axis of cultural commonality. legal understanding is one of the most difficult manifestations of cultural understanding; in ancient nations, the globalization and convergence of the single values of human rights have not been so important. Creating peace and compromise through arbitration has been one of the usual ways of dealing with claims, which is rooted in the ethics and experiences of ancient civilizations in facing cultural differences. Travels, especially on the Silk Road, have been both a platform for disputes between people of different nations, and have provided a ground for innovation in resolving these disputes, with the help of natural ethics and conscientious dialogue, and without resorting to strict legal rules. All civilizations have had a penal system.Research Question: The article is looking for an answer to the question that the ancient rituals of criminal dispute resolution in the Silk Road relations, especially the restorative justice initiatives in the legal thought of the ancient Iranians, create a capacity for confronting China in resolving legal disputes in the new Silk Road.Research Hypothesis: Although China's ultimate goal of the New Silk Road initiative is to provide the necessary economic, political, security and especially legal grounds to become a regional and global hegemon, this plan faces serious internal, regional and global obstacles and problems, and is facing and ultimately will not achieve China's desired goals to the maximum extent; In particular, it does not seem feasible for the Silk Road countries to have a single legal system to settle disputes arising from goods transit contracts and crimes committed on the transit route and against this route.  

Methodology and Theoretical Framework: 

One of the problems in transferring or not transferring the criminal policy of the transit countries of the Silk Road revival plan is the challenge of "non-recognition of laws and judicial judgments of other countries" by the legal system of most countries of the new Silk Road. This article follows the qualitative method, by historical-legal analysis of criminal peacemaking, within the framework of the theory of restorative justice in criminology, in the framework of the historical analysis of the rituals of settling legal disputes in the relations between merchants and people on the Silk Road, analyzes the interaction of the legal systems of different nations in the settlement of disputes in the light of the legal system of ancient Iran. The present article, in the framework of the analysis of the history of the evolution of restorative justice rituals in the wide scope of the evolution of ancient criminal law, analyzes the innovative methods of informal proceedings of crimes that occurred between merchants and with people on the Silk Road, and in the meantime, the rituals of justice It highlights the common restorative punishment in the legal system of ancient Iran.

The present article, after explaining the theoretical foundations of legal peace-seeking, examines the role of cultural-legal exchanges in the Silk Road in terms of the pattern of criminal policy transmission from a historical point of view and assumes that peace-based mechanisms (restorative justice) are the general tool in solving and the season of legal disputes has been in this way. As a result, reviving the Silk Road with the so-called "One Belt-One Road" scheme, regardless of the conflicts between the legal systems of the transit countries, is a challenge of the same kind as the old Silk Road dilemma.

One of the characteristics of the third millennium is the globalization approach, which has undoubtedly changed many security requirements, social control, cultural, political, national and international relations. Despite this, the world community is still facing serious challenges in achieving international peace and security. Many cases of human rights violations have caused the governments of the world to think of finding a solution to prevent such incidents from happening. In general, there are issues that are not unique to a particular society, but are considered common issues of humans in the third millennium, and their global dimension cannot be neglected. One of the most important issues is peace and human rights. The genealogy of peace rituals and cultural dialogue, peace-seeking rituals in ancient civilizations and long-lasting and deep inter-civilizational relations, such as the interactions of the nations of the Silk Road, are manifested. Legal peacemaking based on the hypothesis that "natural justice is a durable foundation for the establishment of eternal peace" has popularized the culture of peacemaking and criminal mediation and compromise in the crimes committed on the Silk Road caravan route.

In addition to the main and announced goals of the US government for attacking Afghanistan, including: the destruction of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda Network, advancing the process of democratization and nation-state building, strengthening the governmental and political structure, creating stability and security, there were other goals on the agenda, the most important of which was access to important mineral resources and energy transfer routes from Central Asia to South Asia, preventing Russia from regaining power and controlling China and Iran. It is obvious that the achievement of the above-mentioned goals by the United States required the existence of a grand strategy in the foreign policy of this country regarding the issue of Afghanistan. Meanwhile, a review of the actions and approaches announced and implemented by the American government during the three terms of the presidency of George Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump, clearly confirms this issue. Adopting different and sometimes conflicting approaches and strategies, Bush's "Anti-Terrorism and "Counterinsurgency Strategies", Obama, and Trump's "Zero Base Strategy" is at least three distinct strategies of the US government in this era, which ultimately ended in the withdrawal of the US military forces from Afghanistan after 20 years of presence in this country.

Research Question: 

The main question of the article is what are the evidence for the change in the approach of the US foreign policy towards Afghanistan in the three mentioned periods? And what is the relationship between Afghanistan's internal developments and this change of approach?

Research Hypothesis: 

The change in the US foreign policy approach towards Afghanistan has been affected by the internal developments of this country caused by the resistance of armed groups, especially the Taliban, against US policies and the failure of the announced and implemented programs of this country during the presidency of Bush, Obama and Trump.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework:

 Since the first question of the article seeks to provide evidence of the change in the strategy of the United States regarding Afghanistan in the three terms of the presidency, by adapting the methodology of a comparative study at the descriptive level, the most important features that support the change in these three periods should be mentioned. Next, by focusing on the second question, we will investigate the relationship between two variables: the change in the US approach with the internal developments of this country from a descriptive and inferential point of view and analyzing the logic governing this change of approach, focusing on one of the causes mentioned in the systemic theory of James Rosena

The findings show that the US diplomatic system did not follow the same approach in Afghanistan during the two terms of Bush's presidency and unlike the 2002 strategy, which sought a combination of ideological and strategic goals from its presence in Afghanistan, in the 2006 strategy, the security aspect of these goals was dominant got more priority. In the Obama administration, the revival of the US global influence and the destruction of terrorist groups required a transition from a counter-terrorism strategy to a counter-insurgency. In the Obama administration, the restoration of the US global influence and the destruction of terrorist groups required a transition from anti-terrorism strategy to counter-insurgency. From this point of view, both the weakening of Bush's anti-terrorism strategy and the clarification of Obama's counter-insurgency strategy clearly indicate the role of Afghan internal groups in the failure of America's policies and successive changes in strategy.

Apart from the ups and downs of the US relations with Afghan government officials, there are three other reasons: the rise of Al-Qaeda and the Taliban during the time of the US presence, the emergence of many internal problems in Afghanistan and the disgust of a large part of the Afghan people with the US government due to its inability to reduce insecurity. There are three reasons all of which confirm the prominent role of internal developments, especially the confrontation of groups such as the Taliban with the US policies. This means that even armed local groups with minimal facilities, if they stand up, can force them to make continuous changes in their strategy in addition to the failure of the policies of the great and superior powers. It is not possible simply by relying on the established approaches of power in the paradigm of realism.

On November 29, 2020, Turkiye sent an exploratory ship named "Oruç Reis" to the eastern Mediterranean waters to search for energy sources. Although the activities of this ship provoked protests from many countries in the region, these protests could not prevent the extension of its mission until January 2021. Analysts believe that the "Oruç Reis" mission, like the 2019 agreement between Turkiye and the Libyan government regarding the determination of the exclusive and economic zone of the two countries, is a continuation of Turkiye's new maritime doctrine "Blue Homeland", which has been widely discussed in the media and political circles of Turkiye in recent months. The "Blue Homeland Doctrine" was first proposed in 2006 by retired Turkish Navy General Cem Gordeniz, but it failed to attract much attention. But in recent years, due to the new needs and changes in Turkiye's foreign policy, the "Blue Homeland Doctrine" has been able to take on a more practical aspect.  In the following article, after examining the background of the research and using the Trend Impact Analysis method and a new reading of geopolitics, we have tried to answer our question.

Research Question: 

The question that we will address in this article is what consequences the "Blue Homeland Doctrine" have for Iran considering its history and goals? Especially since the issue of obtaining hydrocarbon energies in the Eastern Mediterranean and the expansion of political and military influence is one of the main issues raised in the "Blue Homeland Doctrine" and at the same time is one of the most important concerns of the Turkish government. Meanwhile, Iran, as Turkiye's neighbor, is one of the countries with large energy reserves.Research Hypothesis: According to the Methodology used for this article, no hypothesis has been considered.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework: 

The analysis of the current article is based on the Trend Impact Analysis method. The trend is called regular and continuous transformations of data over time. In this method, the process is influenced by a sequence of events, and by events we mean important events that may play an important role in shaping the future. The theoretical framework of this article is based on a three-level reading of the international system along with geopolitical factors. This new reading of geopolitics is taken from the opinion of Mohiuddin Mesbahi in the article "free and confined: Iran and the international system". In this article, the emphasis is on geopolitics and geoeconomics, and the field of geoculture is not discussed. Our question can also be put in this new format and reading.

In this article, in response to the question of, "The Consequences of the "Blue Homeland Doctrine" on Iran, we tried to investigate the origins and history of this doctrine and search for its goals. As we said, the "Blue Homeland Doctrine" is rooted in the feeling of greatness of this country due to years of presence in the Mediterranean in the form of the Ottoman Empire, as well as the fear of being encircled in the region following the borders imposed in 1923. Through this doctrine, Turkiye seeks to be able to use the energy resources of the Levant region and become a Mediterranean power, with a powerful military and economic presence and use all its facilities in the Eastern Mediterranean to introduce itself as an energy hub. After examining the origins and goals, we examined the main part of our question, the consequences of the "Blue Homeland Doctrine" on Iran and divided these consequences into two political-military and energy sectors. In the political and military sector, we came to the conclusion that Turkiye's attempt to influence Lebanon in various fields is in line with its goals for a wider presence in the Eastern Mediterranean and may put this country against Lebanon's Hezbollah, which is a non-governmental group with political, military and cultural power and considering the role this group plays in Iran's foreign policy in the region, it can cause tension between the two countries over Lebanon. In addition, the conflict in Lebanon can spread to other centers of conflict between the two countries, i.e., Syria and Iraq, or be affected by them and intensify. In the energy sector, we discussed the consequences that the turning Turkiye into an energy hub could have on Iran.  Iran is the second holder of gas energy reserves in the world but it never uses these resources. Turning Turkiye into an energy hub by the "Blue Homeland Doctrine" can exclude Iran from the future energy corridors, but if the relations with Turkiye improve along with the removal of internal obstacles and international sanctions, the doctrine can be an opportunity to export this country's Gas to Europe.

According to the objectives of the "Blue Homeland Doctrine" the consequences of this doctrine for Iran can be examined in two areas. In the political-military field, increasing Turkiye's presence in the Eastern Mediterranean, especially in Lebanon, it can increase the tensions between the two countries, which can easily spread to other regions due to the many points of conflict between Turkiye and Iran in the region. In the field of energy, turning Turkiye into an energy hub can be an opportunity to export Iran's gas to Europe and it can also remove Iran from future international corridors.

By referring to the Bible and the teachings of Christian Saints, we can conclude that Christianity inspires peace in the world. However, the history of Christianity shows numerous internal and external religious wars. The starting point of Christian wars goes back to the time of Constantine the Great's conversion to Christianity, who combined religion and politics and established the state religion. In the history of Christianity, the theories of Just War and Holy War have been presented to justify war. The purpose of this article is to consider the approach of Orthodox Christianity towards war and peace and then conclude which approach is accepted by this religious tradition.Research Question: which of the ethical approaches of war and peace is compatible with the orthodox theological tradition and therefore has the capacity to conceptualize the Orthodox ethical approach?

Research Hypothesis:

 It seems that the all approaches that justify war (including just war and holy war theories) are not accepted by the Orthodox churches; in this context, the Just Peacemaking Approach may help to define the practical approach of the Orthodox tradition towards peace.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework: 

The theoretical framework that is used to combine the Orthodox tradition with the Just pacifist approach is that of Reinhold Niebuhr's Christian Realism. By offering the following theoretical possibilities, Christian realism can help the orthodox Christian tradition to adopt a just pacifist approach as a basis for conceptualizing its own distinctive approach to the peace and war;1) Moving beyond Christian idealism to focus on reforming fallen society 2) providing new and useful interpretations of Christ's teachings to solve the problems of contemporary society; 3) the possibility of using new sciences to interpret and even complete the teachings of the Bible; 4) Criticism of common Christian approaches related to war and peace (including the theory of just war, holy war, pacifism and non-resistance). In terms of research method, this research follows applied modeling with qualitative research method.

The ideal of Orthodox Christianity is to avoid war and promote peace. In explaining this approach, Orthodox theologians mainly refer to the Bible and the original teachings of Christ, which include the principle of non-resistance to violence and any physical force. Therefore, the approach of Orthodox Christianity can be considered a part of the Christian pacifist discourse. In such a framework, any Christian theory to justify war is not acceptable in the orthodox Christian tradition. Therefore, the Orthodox rejects the “Just War” and “Holy War”, theories presented in Western Christianity to justify war. In the Orthodox tradition, war and any other forms of physical violence belong to human sin and is an obstacle to salvation. Peace is the begining of being a Christian and living like Christ. What comes with justice is peace. War has nothing to do with justice and is not holy in any way. Wars appear as a result of injustice and end with more injustice. Accordingly, in the orthodoxy Sharia, war and the killing of human beings are basically considered as objective evil, even if it is to fulfill “Justice” or is considered “Holy” by Shariareasons.Given these basic beliefs, it is clear that Orthodox Christianity accepts Christian pacifism. But it should be noted that pacifism is accused of passivity and utopian idealism. Because, only by condemning war and praying for peace, we cannot eliminate the institutional injustice or "structural evil" that dominates social and political life; an evil that, according to the consensus of experts, is the root of war and conflict in the modern world. Therefore, it may be argued that the Orthodox churches lack a coherent practical approach to peacemaking. In this context, it is the mission of Orthodox theologians as well as peacebuilding experts to theorize the distinctive Orthodox approach to sustainable peace and justice. As such, the Orthodox Church does not have to define its approach exclusively based on the concepts and sources of the Orthodox tradition, but it may develop based on pre-existing views, but compatible with the Orthodox tradition. Christian realism emphasizing the use of new scientific achievements and dynamic interpretation of Christian teachings to solve the problems of the contemporary world, provides the necessary theoretical framework for this work.

According to our argument, the Just peace approach has the right capacity to fulfill the Orthodox mission in order to create lasting peace. The basis of this argument is the compatibility of the orthodox tradition with the assumptions of the Just Peacemaking Approach on the one hand, and the empirical efficiency of the proposed practices of the Just Peacemaking Approach, on the other hand. The main features of the pacifist Approach to justice, which is deeply compatible with Orthodox Christianity, are: belief in non-violence, belief in the ontological unity of humanity, moral contextualism, non-secular trans-religious orientation, efforts to prevent war through justice and development. The manifestation of these adaptations can be clearly seen in the convergence of some actions, for example, in the field of providing humanitarian aid. Theoretically, Christian Realism of Reinhold Niebuhr, by shifting the focus from Christian idealism to realism, can help Orthodox thinkers to conceptualize the assumptions and practices of Just Peacemaking in orthodox teachings. Thus, Orthodox Christianity takes a practical approach to establishing lasting peace

Intruduction:

 In the first half of the 21st century the international community has witnessed many changes. Following the changes in the structure of the international order and the distribution of power, the world is not a unipolar system led by the United States, unlike the post-Cold War era. In addition, there are growing tensions, some hidden and some overt, among the Great powers that are manifesting in the geopolitical and normative sphears. These topics, that range from changing power dynamics, the emergance of new state actors in the international community, environmental concerns, organized crime, immigrant issues, cyber warfare, the tensions over the South China Sea, Taiwan, the Ukraine Crisis, NATO expansion, among others, if it is not solved, it can be a danger for the future of the mankind. Therefore, the management of differences between great powers including Russia, China, the US, India, Japan, Germany, France, and England is recommended to avoid. To move towards this goal, the concert of powers in the 19th century has been the theme. This literature attempts to assess the probability of a true concert of powers in the 21st century as a way to manage competition between the United States, China and Russia, especially after the Ukraine Crisis in 2014 and 2022.Research Question: The main question is that, after the Ukraine crisis, to manage the tension and differences between great powers, can we imagine the possibility of forming a concert of powers like in the 19th century?Research Hypothesis: Inspired by the works of the thinkers of the Islamic Republic and using the balance of hostile power and management found in the works Headley Bull and Benjamin Miller, it can be suggested that the current differences in the structural, normative, ideological and cognitive views of the United States, China and Russia toward global governance make the formation of a concert of powers simply impossible.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework: 

This paper has a qualitative approach and uses sample research as one of the common approaches in the Islamic Republic of Iran. To dig deeper, the history of concert of powers was examined to ensure the possibility of an emerging concert or lack thereof, was closer to today's reality. In addition, to achieve a model of how China, Russia and the United States commit to or hinder the formation of a concert of powers, the elements that make a concert of powers possible were analyzed. The concert of powers is a collective security system or a security regime that was formed based on the cooperation between the four great powers of the 19th century, Great Britain, Prussia, Austria, and Russia. Headley Bull, in the Anarchic Society, wrote that in the 19th century, there was an international society and international relations as an order in which the managerial responsibilities of the Great powers constituted the system. Despite the element of cooperation, a certain type of balance of power determines how international relations work. It is called the associational balance of power. It became the enemy's balance of power due to constant pressure to increase power. In addition to Bull’s view, Miller added that internal issues, ideological and cognitive factors may be equally important in concert formation. This literature is in theoritically based on the views of the two thinkers mentioned above.

This research has indicated that the international relations have had 3 separate cases of power coordination. From 1815 to World War I, from 1975 Helsinki accords to 1989 and from the Paris Charter in 1990 to 2014 which marked Russia's initial invasion of Ukraine. The data show that in each of these periods, great powers had to manage, resolve or otherwise cooperate with their differences on a regional or global scale. Moreover, the views of the Americans, Chinese and Russians towards the formation of a concert of powers may not be the same. The Russian may be the only ones to insist on a concert of powers, while the Chinese were not positive about it until 2008. During the cold war, the United States engaged in concerted behavior, for lack of a better term, although it has deviated from it ever since the end of the cold war. This conclusion is based on the policies that the United States has adopted to contain Russia and China and the lack of recognition that the Americans have for the areas of influence something that Russians keep pointing out. Russians are not only pessimistic about the intentions of the United States, but also see these differences as the return of strategic and geopolitical competition. Therefore, the reality of international system after the war in Ukraine shows that the balance of hostile forces is the current approach governing international relations.

After decades, the level of cooperation between the three Great powers identified in this article as pillars of the potential concert of powers has declined. Efforts to cooperate have sometimes failed because China and Russia refuse to cooperate with the West and the United States. This has led the international community to the most chaotic state of recent times where the liberal order is pitted against any order favored by the Chinese and the Russians. In addition, the concept of Sovereignty has changed and the West, allied with the United States has taken measures to contain China and Russia. It can no longer consider a concert of powers which Great powers participate in the management of world affairs. If we want to accept the idea of forming a coordinated collective security system, in the 21st century, developing states, great powers, as well as emerging countries should legitimately and appropriately regulate their actions with such an order.

The interaction between the principle of the right to self-determination and the immunity of countries' territorial integrity as two fundamental rules in contemporary international law has always been emphasized in the legal order arising from the United Nations Charter. Therefore, the right to self-determination is defined in the framework of the prohibition of territorial occupation and decolonization, so as not to conflict with the territorial integrity of states. In the post-colonial era, the internal aspect of the right to self-determination in the sense of equal political participation and preservation of cultural rights and freedoms has been recognized internationally, on the other hand, the illegitimacy of any separatism has been repeatedly emphasized. Despite this, the theory of secession as a solution has become a document for separatist groups and some countries to claim the existence of secessionist rights in exceptional circumstances. For example, the separatists of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, citing this theory, declared the independence of these regions by issuing a statement in 2008 after holding a referendum, and the Russian government immediately recognized the independence of these regions.Research Question: The main question of this article is whether the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia from Georgia has legal legitimacy or not?Research Hypothesis: The hypothesis of the research is based on the premise that this separation has no legal legitimacy and the problem of South Ossetia and Abkhazia can be analyzed by establishing a kind of interaction and balance between the two principles of the right to self-determination and the immunity of the territorial integrity of the states.

The current research method is qualitative based on content analysis with a descriptive-analytical approach and it was carried out by using library and internet sources including international and national documents, opinions, judgments, reports, books and articles.

According to the findings of this research, due to the importance of the principle of territorial integrity and the lack of preconditions such as the occurrence of genocide and resorting to this concept as a last resort, the legal conditions for resorting to reformed separation have not been met. Having the specific language, culture, customs and myths of South Ossetia and Abkhazia have introduced them as a special people with a distinct identity both in terms of objective and mental characteristics, they can be considered a special demographic group. Although the people in the sense given in the United Nations Charter refers to the inhabitants of a country or a colonial land under a guardianship, but perhaps they can be regarded as the people and therefore entitled to benefit from the right to self-determination, but in this framework, they have the internal aspect of the right to self-determination and not the external one. Of course, the only hypothesis that exists in relation to the external aspect of the right to self-determination outside the colonial framework and under trust is the theory of reformed separation which has seriously been questioned as a rule of international law. But assuming that we make separation as a criterion, this issue cannot be considered as an example of separation as a solution regardless of the fact that reformed separation is associated with genocide more than any other fundamental human rights violation. But if we want to have a broader interpretation of the reformed separation inspired by the decision of the Canadian court in the case of Quebec, in cases where people have been oppressed and deprived of participation in the administration of affairs, it should be applied and certainly separation should be the last resort. Therefore, the Georgian government and the representatives of the people of South Ossetia and Abkhazia should conduct negotiations in good faith and it should respect the right to political participation and guarantee their economic, social, cultural development and internal autonomy.

It can be said that Ossetians and Abkhazians enjoy the right to internal self-determination, but all the prerequisites and grounds for their benefit from the external aspect of the right to self-determination have not been provided and therefore, the declaration of independence of these territories cannot be considered in accordance with the principle of the right to self-determination. Their separation from Georgia was done illegally and as a result of Russia resorting to illegitimate force against Georgia. The Russian government prepared the ground for this separation by military action and campaigning in Georgia and expelling Georgians and by violating the rules of international law regarding the prohibition of resorting to force and non-interference in the internal affairs of governments, which is a violation of the rules of international law. Granting Russian passports to the residents of these two regions and Russia's effective control over the security and administrative institutions of these regions has practically meant their annexation to Russia. From the point of view of neutral observers, these regions have become Russian states instead of an independent country and lack the necessary criteria to be a state, so what happened here was an act of occupation and annexation similar to what happened in the Northern Cyprus and Nagorno-Karabakh lacks legitimacy and is not compatible with the principle of the right to self-determination.It seems that the best way to solve this problem is to recognize the right of internal self-determination of the people of South Ossetia and Abkhazia within the framework of the country of Georgia. Therefore, the two mentioned regions can be autonomous and maintain their identity.

The rapid emergence of Taliban in Afghan politics in the 1990s and its governance is one of the important changes in Afghanistan in the last four decades. The emergence of the Taliban was a surprise. The Taliban, who appeared from the south of Afghanistan, managed to control Kabul and the northern regions of the country on several occasions. After capturing Herat, they were able to capture Kabul easily. Although two decades have passed since the fall of the first government of this group, there have been fewer scientific analyzes and researches about its economic and political-economic issues. A detailed examination of the economy and political economy of the first Taliban government helps us to know this group better. Understanding the political economy of the Taliban adds to our knowledge of the nature and characteristics of the Taliban. In order to understand the political economy of the Taliban, this research examines the financial resources of this group and the economic situation of Afghanistan under their rule. The focus of this research is on the political economy of the Taliban. The research seeks to determine the nature of the political economy of the Taliban.

Research Question:

 What was the type of political economy of the first Taliban government between the years 1996-2001?

Research Hypothesis:

 The hypothesis is that the nature of the political economy of the Taliban was a combination of the political economy of terrorism and conservatism, which claimed to follow Islamic teachings in managing the economic issues of the society and was not compatible with the usual approaches of political economy in the world. It seems that the political economy of the first Taliban government cannot be studied in the framework of the popular political economy approaches in the world. In other words, the political economy of the Taliban cannot be analyzed in the framework of classical, radical and neoliberal political economy approaches. The Taliban's view of the economy was religious and ideological.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework:

 In this article, a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach have been used to investigate the political economy of the first Taliban government. The approach of the political economy of terrorism and some components of the political economy of conservatism is the theoretical framework of this research.

The Taliban leadership's approach to the economy was ideological. They were exerting their religious, jurisprudential and economic rules in the areas under their control. This view worsened the economic situation of Afghanistan. Mullah Omar and other Taliban leaders did not believe in solving people's economic problems through government intervention and scientific programs. According to them, only God can solve people's economic problems. The Taliban did not follow any specific rules or economic system to run Afghanistan's economy. Mullah Omar issued several orders in the first government of the Taliban. The Taliban were loyal to these orders. The Taliban government had numerous internal and external financial resources. They were using traditional trade and transit as official sources and drugs and mines as informal sources. Afghanistan's trade with the Persian Gulf countries and Pakistan developed during the Taliban regime. Trade and transit were the largest official source of income for the Taliban. Approximately 300 trucks daily went from Kandahar to Central Asia and through Herat to Iran. About 200 other trucks were traveling to northern Afghanistan daily through Jalalabad and Kabul customs, earning large sums of money for the Taliban. Smuggling was another source of funds for the Taliban. Mines were another internal source of funding for the Taliban. In the areas under the control of this group, the Taliban were extracting mines in an unprofessional and non-standard manner. The Taliban also met part of their financial needs through tithe and zakat. The Taliban also earned a lot of money through drug cultivation and trafficking. The Taliban did not establish the cultivation, production and trafficking of drugs in Afghanistan, but they were its promoters.During the Afghan war against the Soviet Union, jihadist groups met part of their financial needs through the sale of drugs. But when the Taliban came to power, they expanded poppy cultivation and smuggling to meet the needs of their war machine and government and allowed ordinary farmers to grow it. Under the first Taliban government, opium production in Afghanistan increased dramatically. The sale of opium provided many of the financial needs of this group. The Taliban used the sale of opium as an economic and political tool. Some of the Taliban leaders had made a lot of money from opium cultivation, smuggling and trade.

US relations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War and with the Russian Federation thereafter have fluctuated from open hostility to competition.  However, during and after the Cold War, Track-Two diplomacy, as an organized and institutionalized mechanism, have complemented the official diplomacy between the two countries. During the cold war, the high level of mistrust and hostility between the two superpowers, which sometimes led to the blockage of official relations, forced both sides to use Track-Two diplomacy. But despite ending of systemic competition and changing in the U.S. - Russian relations during the post-collapse era, Track-Two diplomacy continued with the characteristics of the previous era.

Research Question: 

Considering what has been said, the question is how did intra-organizational dynamics lead to the pursuit of Track-Two diplomacy in realizing US and Russian interests during and after the Cold War?

Research Hypothesis: 

The hypothesis of the research is that according to the historical path taken during the Cold War, the need to provide the strategic and sustainable interests of each country, the use of institutions with close ties with the government and interactions formed among the participants in informal processes, have caused the continuation of Track-Two diplomacy in U.S. - Russian relations in post-collapse era.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework: 

To test the above hypothesis, the theory of “historical institutionalism” has been used. The emphasis of this paper is on the "equation" which is one of the main elements of the theory of historical institutionalism. In this direction and examining the same factors that had the same result in two different periods, the historical-comparative method is based on the comparison of the two periods of the Cold War and after the Cold War. The method of collecting information in this research is qualitative and based on documentary method.

Studying the process of Track-Two diplomacy between the United States and the Soviet Union and its future developments in the post collapse period indicates the necessity of using informal relations to realize foreign policy goals and strategic interests that could not be pursued through official channels. Due to a wall of mistrust between the two countries, Washington and Moscow have faced numerous challenges to reach any kind of agreement. The existence of a growing gap and mistrust at official levels has made it necessary to use government institutions or institutions trusted by governments to implement controlled informal diplomacy in such a way that even the use of Track-Two diplomacy, the experienced people of the two countries resumed the processes with institutionalization in the post-Soviet era.All considered cases were examined in the field of equation, pursuit of benefits resulting from sustainable requirements, dimensions of coalition building interactions and the level of communication between the institutions involved with the center of power.  During the Cold War era, there were several strategic interests: improving domestic capabilities, ensuring global strategic stability, and the need for direct communication with the opposing country's society. The adopted strategy was to use institutions or formal institutions with close ties to the government, which led to coalition-building interactions. In the post-collapse period, coalition-building interactions continued but the strategic interests were reduced to geopolitical - regional levels and maintaining the relative level of relations. These goals are generally pursued by non-governmental organizations. Among the three common causal factors in the equation of the two periods of the time, during the Cold War, the ability of Track-Two diplomacy to realize strategic interests is the most important factor.While in the post-collapse era, coalition building interaction is an influential factor.The comparison of the two research periods shows many similarities and differences. The similarities are: the use of the institutional model in Track-Two diplomacy processes, having a high level of support from the governments and the existence of coalition-building interactions in the realization of strategic interests. The most important similarity is the realization of strategic interests which is supported by the highest levels of governance in both periods. This support has been extended to different levels of governance in the post-collapse era. The development of this support is the result of coalition-building interactions formed in the processes of Track-Two diplomacy. The existence of interactions and high-level support in both periods indicates the correspondence of the Track-Two diplomacy in the post Cold War era with its historical path in the Cold War period.Differences can be seen in several fields. As mentioned above, strategic interests are reduced both quantitatively and qualitatively. Participating institutions are increased quantitatively and changed procedurally and substantively. They are changed from 9 governmental institutions to 21 non-governmental institutions. Criticism and opposition to the processes are reduced from the military and security level during the Cold War to the expert level during the post-collapse era. The achievements of Track-Two diplomacy are also decreased in terms of effectiveness. During the Cold War, Track-Two diplomacy processes influenced strategic plans. But in the post-collapse era, they are just a tool for adjusting and re-adjusting relationships.

The findings show that the continuity of the institutional model is common in both periods but the change in the level of interests and the entry of institutions far from the power centers have reduced the impact of these processes on official paths in the next period. On the other hand, the number of involved pathways and institutions in Track-Two diplomacy processes has significantly increased. Finally, in a general summary of the comparison, it can be said that during the Cold War, the track diplomacy between the United States and the Soviet Union was strengthened and effective. However, after the Cold War, US- Russia Track-Two diplomacy was developed but it did not have much impact.

Bilateral and multilateral economic contracts have an undeniable role in the field of international trade between countries. They even affect their political relations. The process of globalization to regionalism has also increased the importance of such agreements. Therefore, it is very important to get familiar with the provisions and structure of the contract and analyze its content. One of these important agreements is the agreement to establish a free trade zone between Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union. After the signing of the temporary agreement to establish a free trade zone between Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union in 2018 and after that, with the signing of the permanent agreement in the winter of 2011, less attention was paid to the legal analysis of this practical agreement, especially from the point of view of measuring its compliance with legal principles. The writings of this topic are only news or contain political and economic analysis. Therefore, this article seeks to answer the research question in order to partially solve this research gap, considering the practical importance of the issue.  Also, so far, a series of standard principles governing the regulation of contracts have not been specifically presented in any Persian or even English writings, Principles derived from customs and international documents, whether written or unwritten, are observed.This research is presented in two parts: The first part deals with the concepts and basics of the subject and the second part reviews the general principles governing the regulation of regional and international agreements and their compliance in the agreement to establish a free trade zone. At the end, practical policy solutions and recommendations are suggested to the benefit groups of this article.Research Question: to what extent are the discussed temporary and permanent agreements compatible with the legal principles governing the regional and international agreements? And what are the consequences of not paying attention to the standard principles for Iran?Research Hypothesis: The hypothesis of this article is that the drafters of the agreement have partially respected some principles and did not fully respect some other principles, therefore, it may bring several legal challenges and negatively affect Iran's cooperation with the members of the Union.

In this way, while explaining and defining concepts such as free trade agreement and its difference with preferential trade agreement and brief introduction of the discussed agreement, in this article, the standard principles governing the drafting of the agreement and the analysis of the compliance of the agreement with the standard principles have been discussed.

The signing of the agreement to create a free zone between Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union has many legal and economic benefits for our country; for example, it can be used as a practical exercise for accepting free trade agreements, creating stability and transparency in trade laws in the fields of export and import and customs, etc. future accession to the World Trade Organization and the development of economic relations with neighboring countries. However, in order to be able to benefit from the practical benefits and the intended goals of such an agreement, legal points should be considered along with the political and economic aspects of the issue. One of these legal points is the need to pay attention to the general legal principles governing the regulation of regional and international agreements. They assist regulators and commentators and the dispute resolution authority in interpreting and effectively implementing the agreement. Among the principles mentioned in the article, the principle of paying attention to international norms, the principle of national behavior, the principle of transparency and the principle of the most favored nations (MFN) have been received relative attention in Agreement. However, the principle of compliance, the principle of fulfilling obligations and the principle of honesty and simplicity of the agreement have not been taken into consideration. Failure to pay attention to the above principles causes legal problems and hinders the implementation of the contract between them and has negative effects on their economic interests even in private relations between businessmen. Undoubtedly, this can have a direct and indirect negative effect on Iran's relations with the other five member countries of the Union. Trade is at a very wide level between the Iranian government and five foreign governments. Naturally, the risk management approach requires that the drafters of the agreement, according to the above-mentioned principles, anticipate and manage the risks of interpretation and implementation of the agreement, as the current text can potentially be the basis of many legal disputes and the result of these disputes is not only a legal dispute but also negatively affect Iran's cooperation with Eurasian governments in other sectors.

Considering that paragraph 3 of article 9 of the temporary agreement and article 45 of the permanent agreement provide the possibility of amending the articles of the agreement with the written consent of the members and this document will not be implemented until the internal approval of the agreement, it is suggested to review the principles mentioned and the suggestions presented in the text of the article in the existing text.

This article aims to explore a semi-hidden duality and contradiction within the ideology of Marxism, and the period under discussion is from the announcement of the Communist Manifesto in 1848 to the death of Stalin in 1953. The characters discussed in this article are Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels as the founders of Marxism and Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky and Joseph Stalin as the first leaders of the Soviet Union. The concepts of nation, nationalism and cosmopolitranism and their corresponding concepts have been used frequently in Marxist works but the attitude of the founders of Marxism, Marx and Engels and the first political leaders of Marxism, Lenin, Trotsky and Stalin, who were the first leaders of the Soviet Union were not the same, both in the theoretical and practical aspects towards these concepts. In general issues such as nation and nationalism on the one hand and cosmopolitranism on the other are opposing concepts; Also, in ideology of Marxism, proletarian cosmopolitranism is proposed as an ultimate ideal. Therefore, it is expected that the attitude of Marxists towards the nation and nationalism has always been pessimistic and negative and towards cosmopolitranism, it has always been optimistic and positive, but the issue that this article intends to address and analyze is that their attitude towards these concepts and phenomena is not always based on this model and the duality and contradiction that is sometimes hidden and sometimes obvious in their speech and actions, is visible. This duality and contradiction appear from the founding and emergence of the ideology of Marxism by Marx and Engels until the later Marxists such as Georgy Plekhanov, Karl Kautsky and Rosa Luxemburg to the first leaders of Soviet Union and many other great Marxists. Sometimes the concepts of nation and nationalism can be seen in the works of the first thinkers and leaders of Marxism in such a way that they seem to have accepted these concepts as social realities, both in the objective and the subjective dimension and have a positive aspect. This is while these thinkers and leaders in their other works consider the nation and nationalism as a negative phenomenon that should be removed from the field of human societies.  Whenever the discussed thinkers consider the nation and nationalism with an optimistic attitude, it is assumed that they do not have much inclination towards cosmopolitranism or even reject it, because the nation and nationalism in general are not compatible with cosmopolitranism. While in many of their works, completely optimistic and biased attitudes towards cosmopolitranism and transnationalism can be seen and this is another aspect of duality and conflict under discussion. There is no doubt that the ideology of Marxism inherently does not want to be limited to a territorial area, even to the extent of a country. Considering its slogans and its content, this ideology is a universal thought and wants to include as many minds and lands as possible. Therefore, the tendency and partiality of early Marxists towards cosmopolitranism is a fundamental tendency and their optimistic attitude towards nationalism which is sometimes expressed, is superficial.Research Question: Based on the above-mentioned explanations, we can raise the question of what were the views of the founders of Marxism and the first leaders of the Soviet Union regarding the concepts of nation and nationalism compared to cosmopolitranism, and what are the reasons for the duality and conflict about it?Research Hypothesis: In this regard, it can be hypothesized that the reason for the duality and conflict of attitudes towards the concepts of nation and nationalism compared to cosmopolitranism in Marxism is the use of nation and nationalism as a tool to achieve ideological goals, including cosmopolitranism.

The research method is qualitative and is based on Quentin Skinner’s Speech and its data is collected from library resources. In this method, the author’s intention is the most important issue, and its ultimate meaning is in the author’s situation and objective intention. Also, the collected data has been analyzed in this article.

In this article, it is concluded that the discussed duality and contradiction arose because the founders and first political leaders of Marxism considered the nation and nationalism as a means to achieve their ideals and ideological goals, including the spread of Marxism and transnationalism.  In other words, they have no faith and respect for the nation and nationalism and only use these concepts as tools based on the idea of "the end justifies the means" used these concepts as instruments.

This instrumental use specially was to achieve these goals: the advancement of ideological goals, including the facilitation of proletarian revolutions and the achievement of cosmopolitranism. for the survival of the newly established Soviet government; To create a united front in support of the Soviet Union against the capitalist front; Compromise with capitalist enemy countries and finally the possibility of coexistence of different ethnicities and nations within the Soviet Union, including Central Asian nations and then trying to integrate them within the framework of Marxism ideology. These findings can answer some questions and issues related to Marxism, for example, in Central Asian countries and reveal the reasons for the failure of this ideology at the level of the international system. The results of this research can be used to analyze other Marxist tendencies, including Marxist parties and groups.

At the beginning of the third decade of the new century, the relations between Russia and the United States have become more hostile than ever. After the Ukraine crisis of 2014, the political process of resuming relations, which was proposed by the so-called “Reset” in 2009, completely ended and the two sides began to face each other on some global issues after two decades. Basically, relations among Russia and the United States play an important role in the world politics. As various analysts claim that Moscow and Washington have emerged as nuclear superpowers, by maintaining a significant influence on the process of international affairs, if they maintain partnership and cooperations, they can make a significant contribution to solving global problems such as fighting terrorism, preventing drug trafficing, cooperation in the field of energy and preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. But these cooperations continued only for a decade and with the Ukraine crisis and Russia's strong criticism of the expansion of NATO in Eastern Europe, it turned into a major global tension.

Research Question: 

What are the important international implications of the strategic competition between Russia and the United States?Research Hypothesis: It has been hypothesized that Russia's competition with the United States in strategic matters has led to the aggressiveness of its foreign policy to the point of war with Europe. If this trend continues and the structures left over from the post-World War II and the Cold War era, such as the United Nations and the strategic arms control system are destroyed, the world will face a very big crisis followed by widespread chaos.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework: 

Our theoretical approach is strategic realism based on the components of Thomas Schilling, which emphasizes the limited and wise use of power to prevent a full-scale nuclear war. In this research, we have used the method of qualitative analysis and explanation with the approach of selective content analysis of data and at the same time the specialized analysis of the subject under discussion has also been taken into consideration. 

It seems that a major part of this strategic competition is due to the idea that from the Kremlin's point of view, the United States and its allies have observed the feeling of insecurity in Russia by exerting pressure on this country in the strategic space. Russia's opposition to the expansion of NATO to Eastern Europe is due to the fact that by changing the military-strategic point of view, this issue not only leads to greater vulnerability of Russia, but also provides the basis for creating new spaces for the influence of western powers. Kremlin leaders are trying to make Russia play a role in important international issues by becoming a great power. Weakening the United States is one of the ways to achieve this goal. Given Moscow's understanding of the growing decline of the liberal world order, Russia wants to fill this void and play a role in it. By not accepting the international system and regional arrangements that were established after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has sought to return to the international system after the end of World War II. As a result, Russia is placed among powers that determine the fate of the world. They compete with each other and mutual respect for interests and spheres of influence is the only factor preventing this competition. Russia does not recognize the idea of a rules-based order promoted by the US and the West, as the West seeks to create rules and impose them on the world community.

Examining the contexts, dimensions and consequences of the strategic competition between Russia and the US, shows that Russia's view of the international system is geopolitical, security and realistic, which has made international relations a dangerous and unreliable environment. Although this attitude on the US side is justified with less hardware concepts, in practice it is not much different from Russia and has continued to expand its rival military alliance. Despite such a tense, critical and military atmosphere, both great powers have refused to enter into a big and direct war with each other based on Thomas Schilling's strategic realism, because the strategic wisdom of their elites is well aware of the terrible dimensions of such a war and in the 2022 war in Ukraine, we saw that in order to preserve their existence, the two sides did not enter each other's red lines but the military adventures were drawn into a direct confrontation. But the main issue in the competition between the United States and Russia is the situation of "global strategic stability". This concept means the balance of fear between Moscow and Washington, which is considered the guarantor of global stability and security. Despite many ups and downs, the Russians still emphasize it and in all their strategic documents, including the latest foreign policy planning document published on March 31, 2023, they still consider it the main guarantor of peace and security. It seems that the war in Ukraine has dealt a final blow to this concept and it will be difficult to revive it. The world will enter a more dangerous period after this situation.

National pride is one of the sources of citizens’ identity; therefore, it is very important in developing countries. As a developing country, Kazakhstan is one of the most necessary and important countries in Central Asia. This country gained independence in 1991 with good political and social stability. In this regard, the results of international values ​​survey also show that the citizens of this country have relatively high national pride (mean=3.40). Based on this, the aim of this research is to investigate the impact of social capital as a new concept in political science on the national pride of Kazakh citizens in recent years. This research has been done quantitatively using the secondary analysis of statistical data of "The World Values Survey" (WVS). After dividing social capital into five components, the results showed that three components of social capital, belief in the importance of democracy in society, political trust and membership in social associations, have a positive effect on strengthening the national pride of Kazakh citizens. The findings show that the effect of generalized social trust and religious values on the national pride of Kazakh citizens was not significant.Questioning the identity of people and societies is one of the most important intellectual issues of mankind throughout history. In this regard, the national pride is a concept close to national identity. One of the regions where national pride has become very important in recent years is Central Asia.With the collapse of the former Soviet Union, five countries emerged in Central Asia, the largest of which is Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan tried to separate its political and administrative system from Russia. Of course, creating and producing identity and expecting its legitimacy in society is a natural thing; one cannot simply act vertically and from top to bottom. In other words, in order to succeed in this matter, it is necessary for the norms, values and customs and social networks and links to help the governments and help them in reproducing their national identity. In this regard, the present study was conducted with the aim of investigating the effect of some elements of social capital on increasing the feeling of national pride in Kazakh citizens.Research Question: How do the different components of social capital effect on the development of national pride among Kazakh citizens?Research Hypothesis: Improving social trust, increasing social norms and social networks and relationships have positive effects on national pride among Kazakh citizens.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework: 

The methodology of this research is quantitative and based on secondary analysis. The statistical population of this study is all regions of Kazakhstan. The data used to test the research hypotheses were extracted from the WVS Wave 7 dataset (2017-2020). The sample size in this research is 1276 people. Volchok and Narayan believe that the reduction of capital and social bonds in societies weakens the will of individuals to defend their identity and collective interests. In other words, it can be claimed that the nature of social identities requires the expansion of social relations and solidarity, whether mechanical or organic. Considering why social capital has a positive effect on citizens’ national identity, Ikeda et al, argue that the expansion of face-to-face interactions and strengthening of the collective spirit in community creates better feelings toward the community among citizens. From this point of view, social bonds reinforce valued norms and mutual relationships experienced by individuals, which creates a sense of altruism in society. This research tries to test the hypotheses by using Putnam’s (2000) theory and his division of social capital into three components of social trust, social norms, and social networks.

After dividing social capital into five components, the results showed that the three components of social capital, the belief in the importance of democracy in society, political trust and membership in social associations, had a positive effect on strengthening the national pride of Kazakh citizens. The findings show that the effect of generalized social trust and religious values on the national pride of Kazakh citizens is not significant.

The results show that the citizens of Kazakhstan have a high sense of pride toward their country and an average of 3.40 for the variable of national pride of Kazakh citizens confirms this issue. A recent wave of WVS data ​​ shows that more than 90 percent of Kazakhstani citizens are very proud of their country. This is important because, firstly, Kazakhstan has only been independent for about twenty-one years. Also, various ethnic and religious minorities live in this country which is usually challenging to form a national identity. The results show that even the Russian minority living in Kazakhstan, who are citizens of this country are very proud of their country and are considered a part of the country’s history (average national pride for the Russian minority in Kazakhstan 24 / 3, which is higher than the average of 2.5). The results also show that this variable, i.e., social capital, explains about 10% of strengthening national pride. Considering that various causes and factors affect the phenomena of humanities and especially political science, this level of explanation of national pride by the variable of social capital is completely acceptable.

After the Ukraine crisis in 2014, Russia's foreign policy actually experienced an eastward shift, especially in terms of increased cooperation with China. The energy sector played a significant role in this strategic partnership between the two countries. Before the crisis, Russia's energy cooperation with China was relatively unstable and limited in scope. However, in the aftermath of the Ukraine crisis, the relationship deepened and transformed into a more robust and strategic partnership.

Research Question:

 The article examines the issue of what is the strategic partnership between Russia and China in the field of energy in recent years?

Research hypothesis: The hypothesis suggests that the progress of bilateral cooperation in the field of energy, along with Russia's focus on looking to the east in its energy strategy and China's emphasis on energy diversity and security, has led to the implementation of a strategic partnership between the two countries.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework: 

The method of this research is qualitative and with an analytical-explanatory approach. The research uses a qualitative analysis of texts, reports and documents related to Russian and Chinese energy sectors, using the theory of neo-classical realism to evaluate factors at the system and unit levels, as well as geopolitics. The operationalization of the strategic partnership between Russia and China in the field of energy can be understood by examining the mechanisms and measures that have been taken to strengthen their cooperation.

Some key aspects that have contributed to the operationalization of this partnership in recent years include:-Bilateral Cooperation: Russia and China have engaged in various forms of cooperation in the energy sector, including the signing of long-term contracts for the supply of oil, gas, and other energy resources. These agreements provide a foundation for stable energy trade between the two countries.-Energy Strategy Alignment: Russia has been actively shifting its energy strategy towards the east, emphasizing closer ties with China. This strategic shift is based on the recognition of China's growing energy demand and its potential as a reliable energy partner. By aligning their energy strategies, Russia and China have created a framework for mutual benefit and collaboration.-Infrastructure Development: Both countries have invested in the development of energy infrastructure to facilitate the transportation and trade of energy resources. This includes the construction of pipelines, such as the Power of Siberia gas pipeline, which enables the export of Russian natural gas to China. The establishment of transmission lines and infrastructure projects enhances the connectivity between the energy sectors of Russia and China.-Investment and Financing: Russia and China have also engaged in significant investment and financing activities in the energy sector. Chinese companies have invested in Russian energy projects, while Russian companies have sought capital and expertise from Chinese partners. These investments strengthen the economic ties between the two countries and facilitate the implementation of joint energy projects. The energy sector is also influenced by geopolitical factors. Both countries share a common interest in diversifying their energy partnerships and reducing their dependence on the West, particularly the United States. This strategic alignment allows Russia and China to pursue their geopolitical objectives while enhancing their energy security. The consequences of this operationalized strategic partnership can be significant. It strengthens the energy trade and cooperation between Russia and China, providing them with reliable sources of energy and contributing to their respective energy security. The partnership also enhances the geopolitical positioning of both countries, allowing them to counterbalance the influence of other global powers, particularly the United States.  In addition, the deepening integration of energy cooperation between Russia and China could have implications for the global energy landscape, potentially shaping the dynamics of energy markets and resource flows.

The findings of the research suggest that Russia and China are further deepening their energy trade integration, which enables them to have more leverage in pursuing their agenda. This includes balancing the US and promoting a favorable multipolar model on the world stage. The institutionalized interaction between China and Russia is a complex topic that involves multiple factors shaping their foreign policy strategies. While economic and security motivations are important, they alone cannot fully explain developments in Sino-Russian relations.  In addition to these factors, changing the perceptions of oneself and others, as well as the experience of interaction between the two countries, has a decisive role in the formation of their foreign policy. A key aspect is the changing narrative about world politics among elites in both countries. The way Chinese and Russian elites perceive themselves and their roles on the world stage has evolved over time. They have developed narratives that emphasize their shared interests and the need for closer cooperation. These narratives help shape their foreign policy decisions and create a sense of common purpose between the two countries. Moreover, changes in domestic factors within China and Russia also influence their foreign policy strategies.Domestic political considerations, public opinion, and economic conditions can all play a role in shaping the approach taken by these countries in their interactions with each other and the rest of the world. For example, the dynamics of Russia's dominant public narrative and domestic politics have influenced its eastward trend. This shift in national interests is a response to how Russian politicians interpret and react to European positions, particularly in light of efforts to isolate Russia economically and geopolitically. When analyzing China-Russia relations, it is important to consider the interplay between these factors. Economic and security motivations are undoubtedly important drivers, but alone they are not sufficient to explain the depth and direction of cooperation. The evolving narratives about world politics and changing domestic factors in both countries are equally important in understanding the dynamics of institutionalized interaction and their foreign policy strategies.