مجله علوم سیاسی
پیاپی 62 (بهار 1402)

The cyberspace is considered as the main source ofinformation.The need to pay attention tothe security of the cyberspace requires a special approach.There is no doubt that today the main infrastructures ofthe country, including economic,industrial, informational,security,etc.are located inthis space.Securityin this space will cause a seriousthreat tothe national security ofthe country.The upcoming wars will take place in virtual space.Virtual space has been named asthefifth battlefield after the sea,land,and airspace.Thecountry or several countries havebeen takenout ofthe hands ofthe governments ofthose countries,and themodern world stopped moving and dynamism within afew seconds and caused a disaster as disastrous as an atomic disaster.In acatastrophe,the basic condition is toknow the battle scene.First ofall, we need to know the cyberspace and the cyberspace correctly so that we can have the power ofmaneuver, war and defense inthat space.The purpose of this research is to examine the effects of the cyberspace onthe national security ofthe Islamic Republic ofIran in various areas, especially the political-security areas.Also,discovering the weaknesses and shortcomings in the field of cyber security with regardto the threats in the virtual space is oneof theother objectives of thepresent research,which wants to answer the basic question ofhow cyber threats affect the security ofthe IslamicRepublic ofIran in an analytical-descriptive method.The findings ofthe research show that the republicIslamic Iran is one of the most important countries targeted by cyber attacks in various fields, and therefore,speeding up infrastructure equipment and investment in the field of countering cyberthreats is one of Iran's strategic approaches in this field, which is analyzedin more detail inthis research.

With the approach of making the most of the opportunities and reducing the harms, countries are taking steps towards drawing a road map of parliamentary diplomacy in accordance with their internal capacities and regional and global requirements. Parliamentary diplomacy plays a significant role in the realization of foreign policy priorities through the synergy of intellectual and physical capacities. With the purpose of investigating this issue, the following question is raised: What are the most important tools and methods of parliament to ensure national interests and achieve foreign policy priorities?Using documentary and library methods, it was stated that parliamentary friendship groups and inter-parliamentary organizations are an efficient tool in parliamentary diplomacy, and the most important indicators of a successful parliamentary diplomacy and obstacles and gaps in the strategic management of parliamentary diplomacy to achieve national interests were investigated.The results show that the Islamic Republic of Iran, as a system based on religious democracy with precious parliamentary experience, is placed in an unstable security environment, and part of the offensive capabilities of the United States and the European Union is organized by focusing on national and regional parliamentary institutions, which is a necessity. Synergy of the diplomatic capacities of the Islamic Council with executive institutions related to the field of foreign policy-making and increasing the use of public and parliamentary diplomatic capacities.

The purpose of this research is to examine the relationship between the government and the society of the era of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the framework of Joel Migdal's theory. In response to the question that according to Migdal's model, what is the relationship between the government and society in the period of the Islamic Republic? This research was carried out with a sociological approach, in the framework of Joel Migdal's theoretical consideration and in the form of a qualitative method of the government and society of Iran during the Islamic Republic, using the method of document collection of information, and based on the results, it was determined that in the mentioned period, the government of Formed formal and informal institutions, and the existence of a Weblike society, have been an obstacle for the formation of a strong and development-oriented government towards change and transformation, and the relationship between the government and society has had differences in the components considered by Migdal. Thus, the government in the components of the ability to influence the society (unsuccessful); and distribution/allocation of resources (unsuccessful), however, it has performed relatively successfully in resource extraction (successful), and in the component of social control.

One of the most important of them has been formed in Yemen. This research tries to answer the question of the identity-seeking confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia on the transformation of the regional security policies of the two countries by applying the constructivist theoretical framework and using the descriptive-analytical method. And what consequences has it had in the developments in Yemen? The hypothesis of the research shows that the regional security policies of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran, affected by the identity-seeking confrontation of the two countries, have moved in the opposite direction during the past decade and have caused and intensified conflicts in the region. Clearly, the identity conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia has led to the intervention and conflict of the two countries in Yemen, so that after nearly a decade since the beginning of the crisis in this country, there is no clear prospect for its solution and management. to be The expansion of Shiism in the Islamic Republic of Iran against the Wahhabism of Saudi Arabia, a different view of the West, and the confrontation and proxy wars in some countries in the region such as Syria and Yemen are among the most important effects of the identity-seeking confrontation of the two countries on politics. The regional issues of the two countries - religious politics, looking towards the West and proxy conflicts in the region - have been.

The management of Afghan nationals in Sistan and Baluchistan province has become a security, cultural and social requirement. In this regard, this study was conducted with the aim of presenting and validating the management model of Afghan nationals in this province. This study was conducted with the aim of presenting and validating the management model of Afghan nationals in this province. The community of participants in the qualitative section includes the elites of the management of foreign nationals in the province, 8 of whom were selected by purposeful sampling. The statistical population in the quantitative section also includes experts, 109 of whom were selected by cluster-random method. The data collection tools are semi-structured interviews and researcher-made questionnaires. Based on the results, the full implementation of the law prohibiting the presence of foreign nationals, cultural, religious and political similarities and the establishment of centralized management are the basic factors affecting the management of Afghan nationals. Of course, it should be kept in mind that condemning the policy of banning the presence of foreign nationals has an interventionist role in this regard, and the implementation of a conditional ban in the province also provides the necessary platform. Through the strategic amendment of the laws, behavioral results such as reducing crimes and developing sustainable security in the province, improving the economic conditions in the province and increasing the satisfaction of the people can be achieved.

The recent developments in Afghanistan that led to the fall of Ashraf Ghani's government and the re-formation of the Islamic Emirate, doubled the attention of analysts to the issue of Afghanistan. The first period of Taliban rule in Afghanistan was between 1996 -2001. In 2021, the second period of Taliban rule in Afghanistan begun. Therefore, the regaining of power of Taliban in Afghanistan has led to the presentation of different views. Some believe that with Taliban taking power, this country will see peace at the cost of losing democracy; But others believe that the establishment of Taliban did not establish stability in Afghanistan and that the unification of power is not a guarantee for the end of unrest in this country. The basic question is, what major challenges does Taliban face? The findings of the research indicate that the Taliban is facing many obstacles to consolidate the foundations of its government and also to establish stability and security in Afghanistan. Some of these obstacles, such as ethnic differences, rural population and extremism, have historical and cultural roots and were a source of trouble for the previous government, but some of them are directly related to the current government and its functioning. The hypothesis that can be proposed is that the weakness in the management and governance of neo-Talibanism, ethnic and racial divisions and the violence caused by these divisions, identity crisis, fanatical sectarianism, and the problem of obtaining internal and external legitimacy have been among the important challenges in Afghanistan.