نشریه بحران پژوهی جهان اسلام
سال نهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 27، زمستان 1401)

Violence is one of the anomalies in the social and political interactions of the society, which, in addition to disrupting the peace and order of the society, has many security consequences for the country, and Iranian society is no exception to this rule. The creation of violence in social and political interactions has many reasons and roots, one of the most important reasons for the tendency to violence is the relative deprivation of society members. The current research seeks to analyze the causes and different forms of violence in the social and political interactions of Iranian society (protests of the fall of 1401) using the theory of relative deprivation. Therefore, the research question will be as follows; What is the reason and root of the trend of social and political interactions in Iranian society towards violence? The hypothesis that is proposed to answer the above question is; The members of Iranian society, especially the youth, feel that according to their abilities and rights (haves and ares), their expectations and expectations (wants and shoulds) are not met and they face political and social exclusions, so they tend to violence to assert their rights. they find The present article was written using analytical-descriptive method and using library and internet data.

This research seeks to find out whether globalization and the virtual network strengthen ethnic political movements, cultural and identity crises in Iran (the target society of West Azarbaijan province) or whether it is due to cultural assimilation. At the global level, will conflicts, local and political ethnic identities decrease? The present article is descriptive and analytical in terms of its practical purpose and method. The hypothesis of the article is that “globalization and the emergence of the network space has accelerated the process of politicization of identity, ethnicity and the emergence of cultural challenges for the cultural and value system of societies”. It has also caused all relationships to be separated from their social and spatial context, and the experience of the compression of space and time has caused the phenomenological shrinking of the world. The formation of a networked global society has weakened, eroded and collapsed any boundaries such as geography, politics and culture, so that it has prevented the traditional connection between the individual and the society and it has made traditional and local identification difficult in the global realm.

The changes in Israel's national security strategy in recent years have led to the fact that the rulers of this regime put the use of Salafi-Takfiri groups in their agenda to ensure their national security. Based on this, this article seeks to answer the question: What is the position of Salafi-Takfiri groups in Israel's security strategy? The hypothesis of the article is that "Israel has used currents like ISIS from two perspectives of a strategic-security tool and an intellectual-discourse tool to threaten the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its allies". This has led to the intellectual and strategic alignment and convergence of Israel and ISIS against Iran and its allies in the axis of resistance. Therefore, exploitation of Salafi-Takfiri groups in identity confrontations and proxy wars and terrorism, carrying out terrorist acts and creating insecurity and instability in Iran, weakening the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its allies in the axis of resistance and the region, confronting Iran's regional influence and strategic depth and creating a strategic depth for itself in the region, Iranophobia and representing the power of Iran and its allies as a regional threat and establishing close relations between Israel and the Arabs, weakening, disintegrating and balkanizing the countries surrounding Israel and creating conditions for the expansionism and superiority of this regime in the region are among the most important functions of Salafi-Takfiri groups such as ISIS in increasing the national security of the Zionist regime. This article has been written using the descriptive-analytical method and using library and documentary sources.

The Nagorno-Karabakh crisis provided the best opportunity for Zionist regime to greatly increase the presence of its intelligence elements in the peripheral environment of Iran under the pretext of providing advisory assistance to Azerbaijani army. The main goal of this research is to examine the process of expanding the relationship between Zionist regime and Azerbaijan with regard to the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis and its effects on the security of Iran. The main question of the research is, what are the effects of the development of relations between Zionist regime and Azerbaijan regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis on Iran's security? The research hypothesis is that the expansion of Azerbaijan's relations with Zionist regime has endangered Iran's national security due to the increased presence of this regime in Iran's peripheral environment. Feeling a common threat in the name of Iran, they have sought to create balance of threat against Iran with this convergence. The research method is descriptive-analytical and data collection was based on library and internet sources.

The purpose of the current research is to examine the Palestine issue in the intellectual system of Ayatollah Boroujerdi (RA) and Imam Khomeini (RA) using descriptive-analytical method. The research question is, what is the difference between the approach of Ayatollah Borujerdi and Imam Khomeini to Palestine? The Palestinian government was divided into two separate governments in 1948 by the vote of the United Nations and the influence of major world powers, the Palestinian government and the Israeli regime were the result of this decision. against this, widespread protests were formed, including seminaries and religious authorities, in different periods of time. During the Pahlavi II regime, Ayatollah Boroujerdi reacted to this tragic incident as stated in his declaration, and with the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the way of dealing with the Palestinian issue became stronger and There were much space for supporting Palestine. The findings of the research show that Ayatollah Boroujerdi and Imam Khomeini had different approaches in dealing with the Palestinian issue. Imam Khomeini's and Ayatollah Boroujerdi's view on the Palestinian issue is based on the view of two sources on the discussion of religion and politics and their activity in the religious and political spheres. The hypothesis of the article is that according to the intellectual foundations of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Boroujerdi regarding the relationship between religion and politics, Imam Khomeini believed in active activism and material and spiritual support for the Palestinian issue, but Ayatollah Boroujerdi, due to his protection of  the fledgling seminary, had chosen a passive activism approach in support of the Palestinians.

The question of the study is what idea did the scholars of Najaf have about the crisis of the Sunni Arab sectarian government in Iraq? The hypothesis is that it seems hat many scholars of Najaf and Karbala were not influenced by the tradition that Sheikh Morteza Ansari had built in the idea of Shia government. Following what he had said, they considered the verbal proofs of the authority of the jurist to be incomplete and they were more concerned with the jurisprudence's supervision over the possessions of others. Nevertheless, from the period of Mirza Mohammad Taqi Shirazi's rule, the idea of establishing a government became fruitful and he tried to establish a local government in the cities that were free from the invaders in the 10th Revolution, which in some of his letters was interpreted as an Islamic government. Although this revolution failed, his idea remained and in the following decades, some other Iraqi scholars sought to establish a government, the most important of them was Seyyed Mohammad Baqir Sadr. Sadr, who had more serious thoughts than Shirazi, expressed important opinions about the Islamic government and he serious influenced the fate of the Iraqi opposition. With Sadr's martyrdom in 1980, the idea of establishing a government in Najaf practically went into coma and it was only a decade later that his student, Seyyed Mohammad Sadr, started the project of public jurists. Although he did not publicly seek to establish such a government, Saddam and especially the forces of the Western coalition considered him a threat and finally martyred him in 1999.