نشریه مطالعات سیاسی بین النهرین
سال دوم شماره 2 (تابستان 1402)

Turkey can be considered one of the important regional players that has adopted an "aggressive approach" in its foreign policy since 2015; Ankara, which once pursued a policy of "zero tension" with Davutoglu's neighbors, has since entered the political arena into several levels of political, security, and military tensions in the Middle East and the Caucasus. Critical points in the mentioned areas of role-playing and active presence of its behavior have changed in the form of play with the sum of zero. In fact, after the popular uprisings and the formation of three fronts of political (Shiite) Islam in central Iran, Saudi Salafi Islam and the Turkish Brotherhood Islam, the competition for leadership and introduction as the authority of Islam among the three actors intensified. Balanced in the form of network communication against the threats of Iranian political Islam. In this study, using the facts in the region and based on the analytical-descriptive method and using library and Internet resources, the main question is how Turkey has used the network deterrence strategy against Iran?The research hypothesis emphasizes that Turkey's foreign policy after the Arab uprisings of 2010 in order to create a balance of power through relations with national and ethnic actors in the political, economic, cultural, ideological and security dimensions

The Persian Gulf region has been important especially in the field of trade and transportation in the Mesopotamia since ancient times. China, a growing country that intends to overtake America in economy, has tried to follow the open door policy in politics and economy in the past decades and has upgraded its relations with the world to a higher level. Since this country needs energy to achieve its goals, especially in the industry, it has tried to solve this need through relations with the oil-rich regions of the world, and it is one of the important points in this field in the Middle East and especially the Persian Gulf. . In the last decade, China's presence in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf region has made it become an important player in the region. By playing an active role in this part of the world, this country has provided the basic needs of its industry, and by raising the level of its relations, it has become a prominent and influential player in the region. Despite all this, this country is still a newcomer to the region and faces many challenges in its approach. By describing China's conditions, the following article seeks to explain what are China's goals in the Persian Gulf region and what behavior model has it followed in order to achieve its goals? The important point in China's presence in the region is the connection of political and economic interests, and to examine the hypothesis of the article, it states that in order to achieve development goals and within the framework of peaceful development, China seeks to meet its energy needs and its security, promote the Belt and Road Plan, and invest In the economic infrastructure of the region, it has entered into interaction with the countries of the region, and the model that China follows in the region includes avoiding interference, dealing with the balanced behavior of this country with the countries of the region, and avoiding dealing with America.

Rentier governments have a unique characteristic, which can be seen as their independence from the society and the absence of provincial taxes and the separation of resources among the prominent aspects of this characteristic, and such a characteristic can be found in such governments. Politically, these governments have always been authoritarian and unresponsive, and they always try to dominate the society, and in terms of the generally single-product economy, the dependency and government nature of the economy can also be mentioned as their common features. This article aims to show that the Saudi rentier government to examine pathologically from the economic and political point of view due to its dependence on oil revenues. Saudi Arabia, as the world's largest oil producer, is strongly dependent on oil revenues, and despite the adoption of economic policies for independence from oil revenues, these policies have not always been effective, and a significant part of this country's economy is based on oil revenues, and this country's economy has suffered Such things as economic growth reduction, production reduction, private sector weakness, increase in consumerism and production reduction are suffering. Politically, this kingdom has a very authoritarian and dictatorial structure, and oil revenues have been a powerful and widely used tool to advance non-democratic policies, and oil revenues have been able to consolidate the position of the Al Saud family on the power base for many years. Therefore, it can be said that this government has been able to satisfy the social actions of the society independent of the political structure with political persuasion and purchase and more or less has been able to achieve political stability by relying on these revenues. It seems that in the era of globalization and technology, these policies cannot continue and if fundamental changes and reforms are not made in

The Battle of Chaldiran was the most important and influential battle in the Middle East in the last five hundred years. A battle that, in addition to changing the political, religious and cultural geography of the Middle East, created the greatest tension in the last one hundred years in the northern Mesopotamia regions, namely the Kurds, who were born from the Battle of Chaldiran.Many critics consider the Battle of Chaldiran a religious battle between two emerging states, and they have been unaware of the variable called "Kurd and Kurdistan" in this conflict and its consequences for the geography of the Kurds.geopolitical bottleneck and religious geography of Kurdistan Due to the religious differences with the Safavids and the sectarian divide with the Hanafi Turks, it created the main "other" for the two powerful governments, and Kurdistan was the arena of this conflict. Due to their Iranism and interest in Sufism, the Kurds were attacked by the Ottomans, and due to their Sunni status, they were attacked by the Safavids.In this situation and due to the lack of trust between the two governments, the Kurds have always been dominant in Mesopotamia in the ebb and flow of these two fields. that until now these situations continue and Kurdish identity rebellions have also been formed in this context.In a way, it can even be said that the treaties of Sykes-Picot, Sevres, and Lausanne, which interpreted the present-day Middle East based on ethnic geography, were born from the Battle of Chaldiran.This research deals with the Kurdish political history in Chaldiran and post-Chaldiran and its border and identity implications for the Kurds of Mesopotamia with a descriptive-analytical method and a basic hermeneutic view.

Israel's foreign policy has gone through significant pattern changes since its inception in 1948. Despite the direct support of the United States and Britain and other Western governments from the beginning until now, Israel's foreign policy has operated based on several behavioral patterns in different periods of time. In the beginning, the security problems and the issue of existential threats for this government caused it to go to war and conflict with the Arab countries of the Middle East region, but over time and affected by the environmental and internal conditions, especially the emergence of new subcultures and elites, its behavioral patterns in foreign policy also changed, and everything is no longer defined around conflict, deterrence and security. Economic development, especially the economy based on advanced technologies, has forced Israel to expand extensive relations with other governments and move toward de-escalation. Although it can be said that the structure of the international system and the great powers have also influenced Israel's foreign policy, what is central and preferable in its foreign policy is the issue of Jewish religion and ethnicity (the nature of the Israeli state) throughout the world, which is one of the Israel's unique features that considered among the actors of the international system. Therefore, in this article, we seek to answer the question: "The changes and developments that have taken place in Israel's foreign policy in different periods have been designed and implemented based on which behavioral patterns?" In response to this question, four important models can be mentioned based on which Israel's foreign policy is designed in relation to other countries, both in the Middle East region and in other parts of the world. These four patterns are: 1. Security-oriented (offensive and defensive), 2. Pragmatism without perspective, 3. Ethnocentrism and special attention to Jews outside Israel (diaspora), 4. Market and technology-oriented economy. In the current era, Israel's foreign relations are developed and implemented in a changing process based on the above models compared to other regional and international actors. This research, using documentary and library sources and descriptive-explanatory method, has been trying to investigate the factors affecting Israel's foreign policy and of course its changing behavioral patterns since its establishment until now.

Due to its geopolitical weight and potential economic capacity, the country of Iraq is one of the important players in the Middle East region, and despite the change of different political regimes in Iraq since the 1920s, the country's foreign policy has mainly entailed various political and security costs for Iran. But the fall of Saddam in March 2003 caused new geopolitical changes in foreign policy and relations of this country with its neighbors. With the establishment of the new political system in Iraq, regional and extra-regional actors, including Iran and America, have tried to overshadow the decision-making circles in Iraq's foreign policy and have tried to make their behavior appear more legitimate in the eyes of the Iraqi government and society. Leading research, while raising the question that; What are the effective institutions or drivers in the foreign policy of Iraqi governments after 2003 and what are the decisions and direction of Iraq's foreign policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran in the new government of this country? While pointing out the effective circles in the field of Iraq's foreign policy, it tries to analyze the approaches of modern Iraqi foreign policy, especially after the 2021 parliamentary elections towards the Islamic Republic of Iran, in an analytical and descriptive way. The hypothesis of the article is that Iraqi political institutions and structures are the main shapers of foreign policy decisions, and actors like the prime minister are almost the only executors of decisions, and it is this structure that shapes the agent's actions. The findings of the research show that the competition between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States and the actors aligned with them is still ongoing and this process will continue due to the performance and willingness of the new Iraqi decision makers to interact with the United States. In order to theoretically examine the topics, Hilsman's institutional analytical model has been used.