مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال چهاردهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 74، تابستان 1402)

The behavior and relations of great powers are among the most important variables playing a role in the systemic dynamics of the international system. The present article focuses on two levels of systemic and sub-systemic analyses of the international system. This study will examine the following hypothesis:  that in the international system where there are established and emerging great powers with considerable power discrepancy from other powers, economic, political, security and technological relations of all the other actors in the sub system with each great power depends on the relations and dynamics between the two great powers. The findings of this research demonstrate that the international system is in a redistributive state of power relations. In this context, relying on one or some theories in separate frameworks will not provide a proper understanding of the transition stage of current international politics. This research aims to achieve an eclectic theoretical model regarding the sub-systemic effects of the international system dynamics by juxtaposing the presumptions of neo-realism and neo-liberalism paradigms while drawing on the systems theory and subordinate systems.

AbstractIran-Taliban relations can be divided into three periods. The first period includes from the early 1370s to the end of this decade. Relations between Iran and the Taliban were competitive during this period. The second period includes the early 1380s to 1400s. In this period, despite the initial divergence, Iran and the Taliban moved towards cooperation. The third period includes from 1400 onwards. In this period, the cooperation between Iran and the Taliban in the previous period has given way to competition. The question of this article is, what are the reasons that made the relations between Iran and the Taliban more competitive in this period? The hypothesis of the article, which has been investigated in a descriptive-analytical way, is that the disappearance of the common threat and the formation of incompatible interests have made the relations between Iran and the Taliban more competitive. The findings of the article showed that the cooperation between Iran and the Taliban in the past period was due to the existence of a common enemy called America, as well as the compatibility preferences that were created in the decision-making apparatus of Iran and the Taliban. Now, with the disappearance of the common threat and the return of incompatible preferences that existed in the first period of Iran-Taliban relations, the relations between the two sides have become competitive.

The main claim of the present study is that understanding the dynamics of international phenomena necessitates paying attention to concepts. In addition to their conceptual, cognitive and logical aspects, concepts also have a non-cognitive and supra-conscious facet. In other words, concepts are alive and interrelated. Therefore, denying the dynamics of concepts in human sciences and considering them merely as a tool with a cognitive function for understanding the real world without considering their other aspects may prevent researchers of international relations from acquiring a thorough understanding of this field and the analysis of its dynamics. This is highlighted further when concepts such as immigration, borders, nation-states, nationality, and the identity of the European Union, all of which play a key role in this study, are focused on one or more important issues in international relations. These issues, in addition to their cognitive aspects, will also affect the other facets of this field of study such as policy-making and decision-making. To illustrate the importance of this, immigration and asylum seeking as major global issues and part of the new agenda in international relations have been considered as the subject matter for this thesis. This has created challenges in explaining, understanding and analyzing existing approaches and theories in international relations, so much, so that while this changing identity displays the explanatory/analytical limitations of existing theories, it also makes it inevitable to apply new theoretical and conceptual approaches to understanding and elucidating the changing nature of these issues and their outcome. Hence, this Research sets out the shaping of a kind of conceptualization in international relations as its theoretical objective.

The present research has focused on main goal which is the semantic understanding of Sahwa Islamic movement in its early and later periods. Whereas complicated events and frequent changes are always happening in the Middle East, theoretical thinking is always lagging behind objective changes. Hereupon, this article attempts to understand the dynamics of the Sahwa Islamic Movement, which is less known to Iranians, using the Semantics as a theoretical framework according to Toshihiko Izutsu's thinking. In Semantics, the meaning is grasped through causal and inter-connection between words that ultimately leads to forming the semantic network. Using this, the transformation from the early Sahwa semantic network based on Political Islam during the 80th and 90th to the late Sahwa semantic network based on Civil Islam in the early 21st century is followable. This semantic transformation is causing of the transformation of the semantic worldview -according to Izutsu- of Sahwa from violence to tolerance. Research ahead follows this transformation in the interaction, which is occasionally complicated, between Sahwa scholars, official Wahhabi muftis, the Saudi royal family, and also Jihadi forces in the late three decades.

Resistance does not happen only through guns and bullets, but literature can also become a form of resistance. National literature can be seen as the representation of feelings, thoughts and ideas of a nation about its homeland. When this issue is accompanied by war, occupation, revolution, chaos, etc., it becomes more tragic and becomes one of the means of resistance against the enemy. Among the different types of literature in Palestine from the past until now, what has been more colorful than other types of literature are poetry, which shows that poetry has more depth than stories, plays, novels and other literary forms, and also has a great difference in terms of diversity with other forms. This article tries to investigate the emergence of Palestinian resistance literature by examining the contemporary history of Palestine and find out how social phenomena have caused the formation of Palestinian resistance literature. Literature that has played a serious role in the resistance of the people of this country. Based on this and considering the compatibility of Skinner's hermeneutic method with sociology of knowledge, both of which seek to establish a link between social and political context and time with concepts and ideas, Skinner's hermeneutic method has been used in this article.

In most of the researches of Shia political thought in the contemporary period, there has been talk about changes in form and format in the way of dealing with the matter of politics. The revolutionary movement of the Iranian people led by the clergy, and then the formation of the Islamic government based on Islamic teachings and goals, created a turning point in Shia political thought in terms of the type and nature of opinion and action. If we analyze the interaction of scholars with the Safavid and Qajar governments in the framework of classical Shia political thought, the type of their encounter with revolutionary movements and the government of the Islamic Republic can be categorized in the framework of contemporary Shia thought. This duality can be seen both in the form of confrontation with the governments and in the basic concepts.In this article, with a brief reference to the formal developments of Shia political thought from the Safavid period to the Islamic Republic, it describes the implications that distinguish contemporary Shia political thought from its past period. These implications include changes in the concept of politics, expectations from religion, the duties of scholars, the necessity of forming a religious government, turning government into an obligatory prelude, changes in the perception of interference in politics, and changes in political literature.

The nature and direction of social and political actions in the social sphere, regardless of the variables of time and place, are influenced by the decisions, actions and priorities of political systems and influence them. This is a point that can be explained in the political and social developments of the Islamic Republic period. With the passing of four decades since the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the political activism of the citizens has gradually changed under the influence of various variables and has been associated with capacities and harms. With this perspective, the aim of this research is to examine the historical evolution of citizens' political activism in the Islamic Republic. This article will try to answer the question that the process of political activism in the period of the Islamic Republic has created what opportunities and challenges? In this research, qualitative method with historical sociology strategy has been used. The findings of the research show that in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the fields of activism of citizens and political elites have gradually expanded and diversified in expressing economic, social, cultural and political demands and demands.

The constitution and its amendments showed the practical and intellectual conflict of the multiple social forces in the constitutional period. The purpose of writing this article was to understand this conflict based on the concept of public good and to find the effects, signs and results of this conflict in the constitution. How did the activists of the constitutional period perceive the concept of public good, and how was the conflict between the interpretations of public good reflected in the constitution? According to Skinner's methodology, Iran's defeat of Russia, Iranians' acquaintance with the new world, and the granting of privileges to foreigners met the grounds for the evolution of the concept of good. The authors of the texts pursue their purpose by presenting their interpretations of the concept of rejection, negation, and conflict with other actors . The findings show that the main conflict between the three social forces, including: intellectuals, pro-constitutional scholars and anti-constitutional scholars, and each received a public good from the perspective of social status and class interests, and each intended to include its own interpretation in the constitution. The result of this controversy was the division of the constitutional constitution into the good of the monarchy, the good of the Sharia and the good of the nation.

The individual has been one of the contentious issues in the different knowledge. This has formed certain knowledge that its developments have had some important effects on other knowledge including politics. French technologist Gilbert Simondon, put a serious effort in this field. The purpose of this article is to describe briefly Simondonian theory of individuation and to specify the possibilities the theory has for the field of social sciences. The main question is which new possibilities are introduced by the late version of the theory of individuation for politics? Simondon rejected any principles of individuation. He insisted on the process of individuation and defined the becoming as an endless process, while encountering with various versions of Hylomorphism, especially Jungian analytical psychology, and maintaining a critical distance from cybernetics and mainstream phenomenology. This theory has numerous implications for politics, such as increasing the political credibility of the collective, de-principlizing, phase analysis, the return of the technical body to political analysis, and providing the equipment for revising the radical political theory. Simondon's theory gives political analysis a means of passage to Tranindividual. This makes it possible the dominant meaning of the individual to be questioned.

Digital citizen is a new conception which it redefines the citizen concept in a new world, and questions the citizen's role and relationship with other phenomena of the new world. The survey of this conception is to identify the relationship of digital citizen and it's potentialities and non-potentialities with digital state in current world by suggesting some case studies (such as Coronavirus crisis, genetics, digital city and artificial intelligence), in which, the ways of digital citizen living through digital network of political power will be identified. Thereby, this writing hypothesizes that a new and reciprocal process between digital citizen and state is streaming on, in a way, that state predominantly controls the process. In other word, since the digital state perceives the citizen as a production for state's living, therefore, it tries to convince or coerces digital citizen to follow the existing political network. This research, conducted by library method, through an interactive logic for analyzing the data and in view of historical sociology, has concluded that the relationship of the digital citizen with state involves an evolutionary way, through which, the digital citizen is convinced and complied with the new state in the new era.