فصلنامه دولت پژوهی
پیاپی 35 (پاییز 1402)

This article is a sequel of the article "The Power and Involuntary State of Exception in Iran" (Sattari 2022). By redefining "authority" (based on the three concepts of hegemony, social control and reproduction), the author explains the special existential conditions being formed in parallel with the movement of Iranian society towards an involuntary state of exception by formulating the theoretical approach of "Oriental Post-Authority Society". His basic question is, what is the fundamental result of the gradual occurrence of involuntary state of exception in Iran? The author has five interrelated arguments:First: The persistence of the "general crisis of capital accumulation" and the "expansion of digital technology" in Iranian society paves the way for the occurrence of two fundamental transformations (first: the transformation of economic roots of classes, and second: the transformation of utopia and the politics of class life) and these two transformations enters the society in a unceasing process of re-creation of a new existential situation with the characteristic of "self-reliance and self-rule". The author calls this emerging existential situation as the formation of an "Oriental Post-Authority Society" in Iran.Second: The main tripod of this developing oriental post-authority society is (first: the gradual construction of a political anti-theology in society by relying on the theological concept of the State of Innocence, second: despair of the possibility of political revolution or collective fear of its consequences, and third: the growing tendency towards everyday social revolution as an emergency alternative to political revolution. Third:  In the formation process of the oriental post-authority society in Iran, a "new class birth" occurs and leads to the "birth of an autonomous class" and "the beginning of class autonomy in the history of Iran". This significant event intensifies the process of "increasing class displacement" in the society and the new autonomous class expands the main tripod of the oriental post-authority society even more by bringing together some layers of other social classes. In this way, a special situation emerges in Iranian society, which the author calls "a single society with two conflicting social realms" (first: the social realm of authority, and second; the social realm of anti-authority.Fourth: With the passage of time and due to the "generational transformation of traditional leaders", the social realm of anti-authority gains more expansion in society, particularly through the continuous impeachment and negation of official authorities and their desired symbolic order, the new autonomous class gradually exposes the social realm of authority to passivity, more social suspension, and even the potential danger of dissolution. In such a situation, a fundamental conflict between the "order, interests and survival" of the members of these two social realms (or the social realm of authority, and the social realm of anti-authority) is subsequently formed and the ground is paved for the outset of an inclusive dialectic in the society. The author calls this special event "the dialectic of official social authoritarianism with informal social anti-authoritarianism" and considers its gradual synthesis to be the "ambivalent crisis of praxis of power elites and social forces in the society".Fifth: The emergence of ambivalent crisis of praxis causes "mutual inability of power elites and social forces to conquer each other" and this exposes both actors to "erosion and historical recess". With the passage of time, this ambivalent crisis of praxis launches the room for the emergence of a situation that the author calls "involuntary collective aporia" (or the state of astonishment and intractability of basic problems in Iranian society). The continuation of this involuntary collective aporia causes existential anxiety and the spread of "pervasive general paranoia" in the society. This pervasive general disorder accelerates the process of suspension and social dissolution of traditional authorities and the process of the formation of the post-authority society in Iran.)Based on these five arguments, the article has five sections. In the first section; by providing a new definition of authority, the author explains the impact of the society's movement towards an involuntary state of exception in the "transformation of economic roots of classes" and the "transformation of utopia and the politics of class life" and, consequently, the beginning of the process of "formation of the oriental post-authority society" in Iran. In the second section; He determines the nature of this oriental post-authority society and its three main tripod. In the third section; the author explains the issue of "new class manifestation" or the birth of an "autonomous social class" in Iran and the impact of this "class autonomy" on development of the oriental post-authority society in Iran. In the fourth section; He describes the process of increasing social suspension and the gradual dissolution of the social realm of authority and, as a result, the "emergence of a single society with two conflicting social realms" in Iran. In the fifth section; the author mainly describes the process of occurrence of a dialectic (or dialectic of official social authoritarianism and informal social anti-authoritarianism) and its gradual synthesis, i.e. "ambivalent crisis of praxis of power elites and social forces" dealing with its conditional future.

The victory of the revolution led to the emergence and redefinition of religious values and concepts, and the intensity of its impact on the cultural aspects and the value developments of the concept of policy-making was more and more influenced by the value and ideological aspects. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to the nature of the Islamic revolution, which is mainly cultural, cultural policies have been formed within the framework of Islamic laws, Shari'a and the constitution. Cultural policymaking is a manifestation of the government's political power, which, if institutionalized, can be considered an important indicator in political development.Since the beginning of history, the family has been the main social institution, the foundation of societies and the origin of cultures, civilizations and the history of human. The family has a high position in the system of the Islamic Republic and the official policies of the country. The Islamic Republic of Iran looks at the family as a means of honoring and respecting the human position. Paying attention to the many functions of the family has caused the family to be recognized as one of the most basic social pillars, and this issue has also caused the constitution to pay attention to this important issue in its tenth principle and stipulates: "Since the single family It is the foundation of Islamic society, all related laws and regulations and planning should be aimed at facilitating the formation of a family, protecting its sanctity and establishing family relationships based on Islamic law and ethics.The main question of the current research is as below:what effect did parallel institutions in the field of culture have on the realization of cultural policies in the field of family in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact which parallel work of cultural institutions in the field of family has led to the ineffectiveness of the actions of these institutions and caused the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic to be not very successful in this field and the problems related to the issue of the family in the last three decades are currently is an increase.The method of collecting the necessary data to conduct such a research has been the "documentary method", in the framework of which a collection of experiences related to the forty-year "controversies" over the "process of exercising power" in the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on the cultural policies of the family area, is recognized and collected. has been These experiences are presented directly or indirectly in the form of a series of books, articles, reports, notes and interviews. This research was conducted in the "interpretative" paradigm and in the "qualitative method". The method of data analysis in this research is done using correlation. This type of research seeks to know the existence of a relationship between variables. It is not necessarily a cause and effect relationship. In this research, the positive and negative correlation between the two variables of cultural institutions and the exercise of power in the political development of the Islamic Republic of Iran is studied.This article does not have a theoretical framework and instead a conceptual framework has been used. This research has tried to use the method of solidarity and institutionalism approach to the concept of political development and with regard to the correlation between parallel cultural institutions and the cultural policies of the family in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the degree of success in exercising government power and its impact on political development in this system. Review. In this article, the theoretical model of "Papitz" "Political Power Exercise Index" has been specifically considered in explaining the challenges of more institutionalization of power and political development in Iran, which is a proposal to understand and make the whole meaningful in the transformation of the exercise of institutionalized political power, formalization. Or, as Papitz says, it is the formalization of the exercise of power.Public policymaking is the manifestation of the will of the government in the field of action. Policy-making in the field of culture is considered one of the most important areas of exercising political power and an indicator of political development. And considering that culture is one of the main components of sustainable development; Policy-making, in which the ability to implement these policies in order to achieve the defined goals, plays an important role in the success of public policies of governments. Culture is one of the most important areas of policymaking, because culture is one of the main components of sustainable development. The studies conducted on the success rate of cultural policies announced in the field of the family during the last two decades clearly show that the implementation of these policies is facing serious challenges and The result of the evaluation of process of family evolution is far from the desired path in these policies. Examining the indicators extracted from the aforementioned policies and evaluating them in Iranian society can draw a better perspective of the degree of realization of the goals of this cultural policy.The conflict between the roles of different cultural institutions in the government and outside it is one of the most important disputes that have been discussed since the first days of the victory of the Islamic Revolution until today. The performance of institutions outside the executive branch has led to the weakness and fragmentation of the country's executive branch due to the overlap of their duties with other institutions of the country, and sometimes it has been accompanied by direct and indirect protests from political and executive authorities. The connection of these institutions with the ideals of the Islamic Revolution has sometimes led them to functions outside of the legal and executive procedures of the country and has become the basis for the dissatisfaction of the executive bodies with the performance of these institutions. At the same time, the executive power of some of these institutions is sometimes wider than the power of the government and outside the supervision of the monitoring devices and elected institutions such as the Islamic Council, which is in conflict with the democratic exercise of political power as an important indicator of political development. In addition to role conflicts, the emergence of "parallel roles" among cultural institutions is one of the main executive problems of the country. The functioning of parallel institutions, the multiplicity of cultural institutions and the overlapping of their duties have often led to conflicts and differences between these institutions, and this has increased the cost of running the country and reduced the accountability of various institutions regarding their functioning, which can be summarized in a final summary. He acknowledged that the result of such a process, in the terms of conceptual framework as well as analytical models of the current article, is considered to reduce and weakness of political development. Many cultural institutions have been established in the country during the years after the revolution, and in some cases parallel work can be seen in the duties of these institutions. This parallelism is due to the lack of attention to the country's general policies and vision, the imprecise explanation of the duties of cultural institutions, the frequent replacement of officials, and the creation of institutions based on fleeting needs.Examining the state of implementation of cultural policies in the field of the family, which has been considered in this research as a special indicator for measuring the success rate of cultural institutions in the Islamic Republic, shows well that according to the cultural state of the country during the last three decades in the field of  family such as the decline of the sanctity of the family institution, facilitating divorce and reducing the desire for marriage, the spread of new patterns of choosing a spouse, reducing the generality of marriage and increasing the age of marriage, increasing sexual relations outside of marriage and reducing the desire to have children and making family; It has shown the low efficiency of cultural institutions in this area.

Sweden is the latest European democracy to engage with the extreme right, which regularly seeks to capture the elections and the ballot box. The change of Sweden's politics to the right has destroyed or at least distorted the image of this country as the spiritual home of the liberal left or social democracy and People’s Home. Therefore, Sweden, compared to other European countries, does not experience a long-standing tradition of representing a far-right party in the parliament, and until recently it was described as a European exception without far-right parties in the parliament (Demker, 2012).Concerns about the increase in power of the right-wing parties have led to the creation of extremist approaches in Sweden (Rytgren, 2019: 439-455). Most of these concerns can be attributed to the influence of "Sweden Democrat". With the parliamentary progress and the rapid electoral growth of Sweden Democrat since 2010, the mainstream narrative and Swedish policies have changed both in the social forces and among the parties. The Sweden Democrat party, which until a decade ago was labeled as a political trend with negative characteristics (negative towards democracy) (and struggled with the efforts of other Swedish parties to be isolated), Now it is considered one of the most important and active forces in the sphere of Swedish politics. The Sweden Democrat now act as a group and party supporting the center-right government consisting of the Moderate conservative party (M), the Christian Democrat (K) and the Liberal party (L). Now the Sweden Democrat are the second party after the veteran Social Democrat and the largest party in the right bloc. In addition, this party, with the intelligence of its leaders, has shown itself as the party supporting the centrist government led by Ulf Kristersson. The conclusion of the Tido Agreement, which was established with the understanding of all the members of the coalition, is considered to a great extent to indicate the change of the political scene in Sweden in favor of the right-wing of this party.Anti-immigration, anti-Muslims, trying to socialization of refugees, dealing with environmental issues, the party's approach to crime, the party's attitude to economic issues, unemployment, etc. cause a different view of Swedish politics.However, despite the fact that the leaders of the party did not take power or ministerial positions and political positions, the performance of the party has highlighted another strategy other than seeking power. The question that arises is, what is the strategy of party behavior of the Sweden Democrat?By reviewing the general and fundamental ideological and methodological principles of the Sweden Democrat, this hypothesis is investigated that windows of opportunity like immigration, unemployment, crime, political and cooperative structure, and political humiliations caused by Social problems have gradually changed the behavior strategy of the Sweden Democrat and caused the consolidation and selection of the policy-seeking strategy by the party of Sweden Democrat.Conceptual framework; Party strategiesRegarding Kaare Strøm, in the division regarding party behavior, he distinguishes three categories: 1) power seeking; 2) policy seeking; 3) vote seeking. In this research, an attempt is made to pay attention to this conceptual tradition.1. Power seeking; Power seeking strategies of parties concentrate their control on political power concessions. It means private goods that belong exclusively to those who achieve political or government positions. Therefore, these privileges maximize the position of political power. Another point of power-seeking parties is that these parties are "mainly derived from governing coalitions in parliamentary democracies" (Leiserson 1968; Riker 1962). Strøm believes that "(coalition type) political parties only seek to increase the certainty point of winning"; because in his view, "this victory in coalition parliamentary democracies includes control over the executive branch or any other possible branch, and the power-seeking behavior follows these goals" (Strøm, 2010: 5).2. Policy-seeking; the second pattern of party behavior is policy-seeking behavior, which seeks to maximize influence on public policy. Riker shows that if the parties are "policy seeking", the goal is to take control of the executive body to make changes or apply the desired policies. Therefore, governments should include only enough parties to ensure majority support in parliament (Riker, 1962).The formation of minority coalition governments is placed in this format. In this strategy, the party decides to seek the greatest impact (role and influence) on the decision-making system, independent of political positions and holding executive power. This type of behavior can be seen especially in multi-party coalition systems. Especially in systems where the distance between the first party and other parties is greater and it is not possible to achieve a maximum of 50+1 votes and formation of government, and parties are forced to form alliances with other parties. In such a situation, the coalition parties, by creating the "give the power-take the decision" equation, avoid taking power in order to apply their policies and policies behind the scenes and as sources of decision-making. De Swaan expresses this pattern as follows: "Policy considerations form the most important part in the minds of activists ... In fact, the parliamentary game is about determining the main policy of the government" (De Swaan, 1973: 88).3. Vote Seeking; the third model is the vote seeking party model. In Downs’s primary effect on electoral competition, parties seek to maximize their electoral support to control government. In Downs' famous formulation, "parties set policies to win elections instead of winning elections to set policies" (Downs 1957: 28). Based on this insight, Downs strengthens his argument as follows: "Politicians... are motivated by the desire for power, prestige, and income... their primary goal is to be elected [in order to gain office public]. This means that each party seeks to receive more votes than any other party (Downs, 1957:30-1).Party family of the Sweden Democrat partyIn general, there is a consensus that the Sweden Democrat party is no longer a single-issue party. Their recent manifesto for the 2018 elections, in addition to immigration, covers a wide range of issues such as health care, housing, social cohesion, crime and crime, the labor market, research and education, culture and more (Sverigedemokraterna, 2018).Strategic turn of the Sweden Democratic Party1. Immigration and electoral jump of Sweden DemocratDespite the multicultural efforts of the Social Democratic Party of Sweden, it seems that the political and social structure of the Swedish society does not consider immigration as a resolved issue and a part of everyday Swedish social life. One of the reasons for the emergence of Sweden Democrat should be considered this issue. The vast literature produced by right-wing parties that Sweden faces great challenges from immigrants confirms this. For example, some Swedish analysts believe that "the wave of refugees and asylum seekers who entered the country in 2015 (mainly Afghans or Syrians) have had a destabilizing effect on Swedish society”. Linking the issue of immigration with organized crime has been done for this reason.This literature and more than that has led to the formation and definition of a new political structure in Sweden by right-wing parties. A look at the most recent basic program of the Sweden Democrat party in 2011, and the analysis of the content of the party's statements show a move towards a completely cultural nationalism (Elgenius, 2017: 353-358). Emphasis on elements of "national identity", emphasis on "definition of the nation based on Swedish identity, language and culture" are among these examples. The party now explicitly states that those born in other parts of the world can become Swedish, or at least "integrate into the Swedish nation". "In order for people born abroad to become members of the Swedish nation, they must speak Swedish fluently, see themselves as Swedish, live according to Swedish culture, and feel more loyal to Sweden than any other nation" (Sverigedemokraterna, 2011: 15).Paying attention to the ballot box changed the harsh and racist approach of the party in the late 1990s. The more the party moves away from its racist approach, the more it approaches the anti-Islamic approach (Rahmati, 2023: 57-79).2. Economic Rapture in Sweden and the electoral rise of the Sweden DemocratSweden, which in a long period of more than half a century with the universal welfare state and economic equality, high social advantages, social costs, social equality, correct redistribution system, high productivity, public trust and high social capital, human development, economic transparency, Social security and... had been branded (Rahmati, 2021: 195-235), in a period of witnessing the privatization of hospitals, schools, kindergartens, organizations for the elderly, care homes for disabled or disabled people. This issue has caused the idea of "the most equal country in the world" and the "universal welfare state" to change in the cognitive and mental perspective of Swedish citizens. An issue that has led to a significant increase in the level of social and economic inequality in this country, and finally, the feeling of inequality has caused a break in the main idea of "the people's home".At the same time when this break was created, the most important political force to take advantage of this situation was the political force that rhetorically opposed the Social Democratic Party's inability to protect the "people's home". Therefore, the Sweden Democrat considered the Social Democratic Party as the main factor in creating a vast atmosphere of economic insecurity and believed that the leaders of the Social Democrat have reached a dead end in responding to Sweden's problems and that a new political force is needed. Therefore, the Sweden Democrat were the most successful political force. Therefore, "every job loss caused by the economic crisis was converted into half a vote for the Sweden Democrat". The loss of jobs was also done rapidly in the years after 2010.3. Crime in the ballot box of the Sweden Democratic PartyThe Sweden Democrat party, by mixing issues similar to immigration and violent gangs and issuance of armed crimes, has been able to gain significant votes. The Sweden Democrat party has recently faced heavy media coverage regarding the increase in murders by gangs, and the inability of the Social Democrat party to control violent and criminal gangs, many of which are represented both in immigrant communities and in It introduces marginalized communities, etc., has been able to present the inability of social Democrat as the main cause of crime in public and create a political earthquake in Sweden. The statements published in the media which show the efforts of the Sweden Democrat to attribute the issue of crime to the both two factors of the inefficiency of the Social Democratic party and the issue of immigration show that the Sweden Democrat party has changed the issue of increasing crime to The title is used as a window of opportunity for the strategy of party behavior.Moreover, the party has strengthened its voter base by increasing its obsession with crime, unemployment, and the economic crisis on the one hand and linking these with anti-immigrants (Asbrink, 2022). In this regard, the formation of debates and discussions in the social environment of Sweden regarding the increase of surveillance and security measures, similar to the increase of surveillance cameras and the employment of security guards, has been one of the measures.4. Every disappointment, a loyalty to the Sweden DemocratPart of the origin of the vote of the Sweden Democrat party was rooted in political humiliation. People who have been attracted to the Sweden Democrat for various reasons have felt political inferiority during the last 20 years and have always seen themselves under suspicion or feeling stigmatized: this party, in addition to becoming a capacity for It has attracted the vulnerable, due to the creation of a romantic atmosphere of social rejection by those who for any reason did not invite their dependents to the party or fired them from their jobs, it also caused more loyalty. In other words, a large part of the vote base of Sweden Democrat is among the socially, economically and politically excluded.The 2022 elections and the methodological turn of the Sweden Democrat party towards a policy-seeking strategyBased on the developments after the 2022 elections, the general strategy of the Sweden Democrat party can be defined as "give power, take resources". Here, power means ministerial positions and resources means policy making. To put it better, the Democratic Party did its best to put the general and fundamental ideological principles of the party in the form of the Tido Agreement. In October 2022, four Swedish right-wing parties (Conservatives, Christian Democrat, Liberals, and Sweden Democrat) formed a government whose most important principles are anti-immigration, fighting crime and organized crime, right-wing economic approaches, high energy prices, the war in Ukraine (Nilsson, 2022: 622-634).Towards a power-seeking strategy?The change of direction to the power-seeking strategy depends on several elements and factors, however, one of the most important factors in determining the current strategic situation of this party is the efficiency of the vote-seeking strategy and the consequences of the policy-seeking strategy. Therefore, it is not unlikely that the successive successes of the Sweden Democrat party will lead this party to the transition to the strategy of seeking power and obtaining ministerial positions. However, the fact that this party was in the opposition and did not take political responsibility helped it to increase its share of votes in three consecutive elections. The question is, will this story continue now that it can answer the government's policies as one of the supporting parties? (Jungar, 2022: 4) It seems that during the three decades of this party's life, this party has been successful in the quality of implementing its strategies.ConclusionFinally, the analysis of the political behavior of the Sweden Democrat party and the social conditions of the Swedish society indicates that it should be expected that the Sweden Democrat party will gradually enter the third period of its party behavior strategy, i.e. the period of power-seeking party behavior; Although it faces major obstacles to enter this period, one of the obstacles is the members of the coalition government, especially the Swedish liberals. Another obstacle is losing the position of the opposition; By being in the position of the opposition, the Sweden Democrat party can better follow the two strategies of vote and policy-seeking, but by being in the position of seeking power, it loses its most important position and strategy; It means influencing the sources of political power. At the same time, this party has strong facilitators and incentives, including members of this party and members separated from other Swedish parties who want this party to take power, on the one hand, and Swedish contexts, including nationalist tendencies.

Background and ContextNumerous studies have indicated that the state instability existence in past of countries has not only delayed their development but also influenced their current level of development. The study of political instability in the Eurasian region during the agricultural era (3000 BC to 1600 AD) encompasses a significant portion of the history and the contemporary world geography. It can serve as a basis for examining political instability in the history of Iran. Many scholars have considered the proximity to the Central Asian nomadic societies as one of the factors contributing to instability in Eurasian countries. Some of them argue that the history of these tribes' interactions with neighboring regions forms the core of Eurasian history. There are also a limited number of quantitative studies that have encompassed various aspects of these tribes impacts on neighboring communities. There have been numerous studies on the effects of these tribes on Iran as well, but none of them have covered this temporal and geographical scope.Objective of the ResearchThe main objective of this research is to investigate political instability in Eurasia, particularly in Iran, during the agricultural era. It focuses on the Central Asian nomadic influence tribes on the creation of political instability in Eurasia. The research utilizes this framework of interactions and gathered information to periodize political instability in the history of Iran.Research MethodologyIn this study, political instability is perceived as a low average lifespan of states and a high coefficient of variations (standard deviation-to-mean ratio). The study considers Continental Eurasia (including Europe and Asia, excluding their islands) as the studied region and the agricultural era 3000 BC to 1600 AD as the studied period. To assess the timing and extent of Central Asian tribes' influence on political instability in Eurasian states, a total of 432 Eurasian states in the study period were identified. Subsequently, the time and extent of Central Asian tribes' impact on political instability were examined by applying three categorizations to these states: 1) Regional categorization based on the importance of the region each government could have for Central Asian tribes, dividing into Central Asia, unimportant region, less important region, and highly important region. 2) Since the period of significant influence of these tribes on Eurasian developments occurred between 500 BC and 1600 AD, states that existed before 500 BC were classified as belonging to the first period, while others belonged to the second period. 3) By combining the previous two categorizations, the states were grouped into four categories: (I)Central Asian states, (II)unattractive states, (III)low unattractive states, and (IV) highly unattractive states.Descriptive analysis, Two-sample Kolmogorov–Smirnov test (KS2), and categorical regression were used for data analysis and inference.FindingsThe findings regarding regional categorization show the significant differences in the lifespan of states among regions. The average lifespan of states in unimportant regions is more than 3.5 times that of highly important regions, and the coefficient of variation for highly important regions is higher than for other regions. Regression results confirm the model and regression coefficients validity, indicating that this four-group categorization explains 29% of the variations among states.Statistical analysis demonstrates a significant difference in the mean lifespan of states between these two periods. Specifically, the average lifespan of states in the first period in the Region Two, a significant region, is nearly eight times higher than the states in second period of that region. Additionally, the lifespan of states, particularly in Iran, has decreased during the agricultural era.These analyses also reveal significant differences in the average lifespan of states within the categorized groups, with coefficient determination of 0.429. The mentioned item indicates that this model accounts for a significant portion of the variations in the lifespan of the examined states.Moreover, Iran's status in terms of the number, average lifespan, and coefficient of variation of states is examined within different groupings, and the KS2 test confirms that Iran's belonging to specific groups and the irconcordance lack of other groups, except for its concordance with Central Asia.Several supplementary studies on Chinese history, the timing of the beginning and end of the agricultural era, and the period of Central Asian tribes' influence provide further support for the stability of the results.ConclusionThe statistical analysis results show an inverse relationship between the average states lifespan and the level of threat from Central Asia in various categories of states. Evidently, the agricultural-era states' political instability was significantly affected by the invasions of Central Asian tribes. The four-group categorization explains approximately 43% of the variation in states’ lifespans. Notably, this level of explanation is achieved with only four categorical variables.Regarding Iran, the findings indicate that the political instability of Iranian agricultural-era states was also influenced by interactions with Central Asian tribes. The periodization of Iranian history can be established as mentioned bellow:(up to 600), (600 to 1000), (1000 to 1250), and (1250 onwards), with distinct events in the second period onwards attributed to Central Asian tribes, such as the emergence of the Seljuks and the Mongol invasions. The results demonstrate that political instability in Iran was higher than the average for other regions, with an average government lifespan of 90 years during the fourth period, which lasted for approximately 550 years, slightly exceeding the average lifespan of a human today.

The topic of Iranians' self-concept in relation to their government and nation has a profound connection to the study of identity, collective identity, and specifically national identity. All of these concepts are believed to shape an individual's perceptions and behavior. This specific topic, which encompasses more than just traditional expressions of nationalism, such as pride in shared ancestral, historical, and geographic ties, borders, language, culture, and other recognized components of national identity, serves as the focus of this research. The sense of belonging to a national identity is believed to have positive effects including enhancing social cohesion, ethical behavior, patriotism, hope, and trust. "Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue," a critically acclaimed work, is one of the most significant texts that captures the complexities of modern states and societies, particularly leading up to the Constitutional Revolution. It is a travelogue with intricate narrative elements that attempt to paint a detailed and insightful picture of the social and political circumstances of that era. At the same time, it also carefully compares Iranian and Western societies, highlighting the different ways in which they have evolved.The aim of this article is to analyze the most important themes in the Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue and their contribution to the formation of the utopian/dystopian image if Iranian self-concept. This research was conducted through a thematic analysis, involving the extraction of codes, categories, and themes from the first volume of the Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue, which is particularly significant from a political and social standpoint. For this purpose, a deductive approach was taken, based on the main issues which is Iranian Self-concept. Through this method that is a commonly used form of qualitative research often used in psychology and social sciences, a systematic and structured approach to analyzing and organizing data based on themes that emerge from the data is provided.After familiarizing with the data, which is the first step of thematic analysis, initial codes were generated from the main text. These initial codes then were divided into different categories based on the story line, the content of the book itself and the main issues of the research: Iranian Self-concept. In the third step, searching for themes was done after coding the data by finding patterns or themes that emerge from the data. These main themes were as below:Goals of change 2. Tools of change 3. Superior other 4. Inferior other 5. Character of the nationalist (Ibrahim Bey) 6. Depiction of the dystopia (the government and nation) 7. Depiction of the utopia (government and nation) 8. Past golden age of Iran 9. Factors leading to the existing unfortunate situation and 10. Definition of the law.The ultimate objective is to uncover a pattern of themes related to the Iranian state and nation that shape our current understanding of these concepts.The key finding emerges that the concept of "West" serves as the superior "other" in shaping the Iranian self-concept through the framework of cultural cringe and colonial mentality as a concept describing the feeling of inferiority and embarrassment that some individuals in colonized countries feel towards their own culture. According to this concept, individuals in these countries tend to perceive Western culture as superior and admire it, often at the expense of their own culture. This leads to a sense of self-hatred, which can negatively impact an individual's self-esteem and identity. Cultural cringe is often associated with colonial mentality, which describes the psychological effects of colonization on colonized peoples.  Cultural cringe also has a significant role in the field of postcolonial studies. Postcolonial studies is an interdisciplinary field which examines the legacies of colonialism and the ways in which colonized societies have struggled to define and assert their own identities. Cultural cringe is just one of the many ways in which colonial power and domination can impact colonized societies. It is important to understand that cultural cringe is not a universal experience, and that it is specific to particular colonized nations and cultures. Despite the negative portrayal of the West, anything that is associated with the superior other is seen as admirable and desirable, while characteristics related to the insider culture are perceived as negative and inferior. As a result, the Iranian state and nation are solely understood through the lens of adapting from this superior other, leading to the dismissal and rejection of insider experiences.This article suggests that the roots of today's cultural cringe can be traced back to the colonial mentality framework as expressed through the texts of that period. In particular, a romanticized relationship with the West played a central role in shaping Iranian identity. Therefore, it is crucial to critically analyze the past and understand the role of colonial narratives in shaping our current perspectives. While we may have come a long way since those early years, we cannot ignore the ongoing effects of colonial mentality and cultural cringe, which still impact our understanding of Iranian society today. The only way to effectively dismantle these problematic discourses is to create an inclusive and open space that recognizes the diversity of perspectives and experiences, which will enable us to develop a more nuanced understanding of Iranian identity and societal issues.

A few historical governments have existed for a long time, but the government is relatively old and lasts up to a few centuries, especially in its modern form. A modern government is an organization that controls legal law and applies it legitimately. The government is the only organization with the authority and right to use legitimate violence. Throughout history and during the past eras, many governments have been formed in all parts of the world, and each of them has reached the point of collapse after some time. Although the existence of the state is more durable and survival compared to the government, and in other words, it is "more or less than ever," the specific policies of the formation of the states are taken into consideration. However, the point is under what conditions they fall apart; it has received less attention from researchers. This article aims to answer the question, under what conditions can a government be destroyed or collapsed?To find the causes and factors of the collapse and fall of governments, the current research, using the theories of systemic analysis, besides explaining the various forms of government collapse, examines all the internal and external factors and factors of the collapse of a government. To understand this issue, it has been taken from systemic analysis; systemic analysis refers to a point of view that can be used to investigate and analyze a phenomenon. Systemic analysis leads to a better understanding of phenomena and avoids reductionism. In recent decades, system analysis has been proposed as an efficient tool for new sciences and specialized supplementary studies in various social fields in scientific and academic circles. This causes a general and multifaceted understanding of why and the phenomena and events governing behavioral affairs.In systemic analysis, the political system, as an intellectual system, has several subsystems. A crisis in any of these subsystems, including the economic or political subsystem, can lead to the fragility and collapse of the government. In this view, the government is a set of interconnected and systematic elements and propositions. Disruption in any of these elements can lead to the collapse or destruction of the state.In addition to the internal connection between its components, the government as a system also has a connection with external changes at different and numerous levels. The state has the property of food with its external elements. As a result of these connections between the government and the environment and the actions and reactions between them, differences or imbalances occur in the government system.In a general classification, the collapse and disintegration of governments can be classified in the form of two main categories—external factors and factors and internal factors. External factors deal with the relations between the government and other countries in the international community. The second category also refers to the relationship between the government and its internal society. It is essential to mention that these two groups of factors influence each other, and a change in the intensity and weakness of one causes a change in the intensity and weakness of the other. This means that the collapse of the government extends from the internal situation to the foreign relations of the troubled government. Also, the weakening of foreign authority substantially impacts its internal stability.Research studies indicate that at the external level of the government system, essential factors such as war and foreign invasion, climate change, the pressures of powers and economic sanctions, and issues of a succession of governments can become the fragility of the government and against it. It will eventually collapse. In the internal dimension, crises in three subsystems, political, economic, and social, can turn into the collapse of the government. In other words, factors such as political crises and the distortion of governance, economic crises such as inflation and damage, and social issues such as the crisis of failure to start and the crisis of participation are the main factors affecting the collapse and disintegration of a government. The weakening, incapacity, decline, and decay of governments either due to external factors, in the economic forms of political policies and foreign invasion and war, and in some cases, due to climate change and the succession of governments to another place. It occurs or results from internal changes in the political, economic, and social structure, civil wars, accumulation of crises, and loss of internal legitimacy.

Blockchain, as a new technology that has created the third generation of the internet or WEB3.0 in combination with the internet, has caused significant impacts on various dimensions of social life, including governance, and it can boldly be said that what we have seen from its effects on Westphalian sovereignties is just the tip of the iceberg. Blockchain, with the help of its seemingly simple features of consensus, decentralization, and anonymity of users, has created a revolution in the communication among citizens worldwide, bringing what Mc Luhan called the global village closer to reality, beyond the control of governments. In this article, with a library method, we seek to find answers to questions about the opportunities and challenges that this new phenomenon has created and will create for governments.In fact, we are witnessing the governments weakening in the face of emerging phenomenon of blockchain, as part of the exercise of government is being taken over by individuals without the need for the government and using the blockchain platform. Governments also have no longer control and supervision over individuals operating within their own jurisdiction and doing so without revealing their identities because the design of blockchain allows users to operate under aliases and not to disclose personal information such as their name or email to use blockchain-based software.Behind this technological influence, naturally, as with any other technology that embraces social and political changes, there is a particular philosophy and worldview, and the main core of this idea in the use of blockchain to challenge governance should be considered as a philosophy called crypto anarchism, which was born over a decade ago before the birth of blockchain technology. The goal of this idea is to eliminate the need for intermediaries and regulators in the economic relations of citizens and to avoid any kind of dependency on them as much as possible. According to the power-averse cryptographers, this idea can be implemented by a decentralized and independent blockchain system.However, the degree of decentralization and the change in the concept of governance depends on how much and in what way this technology is utilized. In this regard, cryptocurrencies as one of the blockchain-based tools have provided an opportunity to create an independent economic system free from government and political borders that is impossible for governments to supervise and reduce their power to control monetary and fiscal policies as well as taxation.Amid all this, like any other technology, this technology has had unwanted consequences besides desirable results, including the reduction of the control of regulatory bodies on organized crimes like financing terrorism and money laundering, which have been facilitated by the use of cryptocurrencies and blockchain technology, and the support of criminals and terrorists. We have also witnessed an increase in organized financial crimes such as money laundering. For instance, in January 2014, the Federal Court of New York charged one of the most famous figures in the Bitcoin ecosystem, Charlie Shrem, with money laundering, accusing him of providing Bitcoins to users of an online underground market called "Silk Road", where various illegal items such as drugs, weapons, human trafficking, etc. were traded, and Shrem was the exchange broker for cryptocurrencies in this market.All of the above has led most international and national financial institutions to seek management and control of the space created around cryptocurrencies and, more broadly, the control of blockchain technology.In December 2013, the European Banking Authority issued a public warning to consumers and the general public stating that unregulated digital currencies pose various risks, including the potential loss of funds by users, as long as there are no regulations in place to protect them. Many other international and regional entities have also taken this path.In general, it should be said that although the weakening of borders and territorial sovereignty began with the expansion of the internet, the creation of blockchain technology should be considered a revolutionary movement against Westphalian sovereignty. Today, the issue is not just about performing certain tasks without regard to borders, but also about addressing many of society's needs through this method. When we consider the fact that we are still at the beginning of a long road in blockchain technology, we can envision the future in line with the ideals of crypto anarchism ideologues. Today, we are witnessing a growing movement towards the development of blockchain-based activities in both the private and government sectors. However, there are also challenges and difficulties on the path towards progress in this field, including the ongoing North-South gap in access to information technology and necessary infrastructure among countries. Ultimately, we must recognize that although blockchain has had a tremendous impact on challenging sovereignty, and it is predicted that this impact will only increase in the future, even the success of what is considered ideal by blockchain developers does not undermine sovereignty, but only affects effective governance.

During the constitutional period changes, a new force emerged that and played an important role in the awakening of the people, familiarization with the West, and the publishing of the press, and also thought for a way out of the upcoming deadlocks. Iranian intellectuals came to understand Iran's backwardness through familiarity with the ideas of the new world, and by proposing and publishing new issues in Iranian society, they established different poles of thought that led to the mixing and even opposition of tradition and modernity. The epistemology of the reforms and the explanation of this new reading from thought to the fulfillment of an important precondition is stopped, and that is the knowledge of intellectuals and the fundamental components of their thought. This research, with a thought-oriented approach and documentary content analysis method, deals with the purposeful rereading of the works of Afrasiab Azad, the founder of Hezb Khuda and a traditionalist intellectual of the constitutional and Pahlavi periods, and by evaluating it through the logic of Skinner's contextual approach, In search of an answer to this central question, how is the position of nationalism in the works of Afrasiab Azad and its metamorphosis compared to his contemporaries and contemporaries, and how does this flow contribute to the establishment of the Pahlavi government? Free thoughts are evaluated in the context of the modernist thought of contemporary thinkers.The documents of Afrasiab Azad are available in the sources of purchase documents and in the form of about a thousand files in the repository of documents and national archives. A small number of documents attributed to Afrasiab Azad are available in the Library of the Islamic Council and the Astan Quds Razavi Document Center and have been indexed. An autopsy of a political gathering related to the bread riot in December 1942/Azar 1321 in Tehran has quoted an article about Afrasiab Azad's speech in this context. He has also mentioned the effect of modernization and de-religion in the chapter of westernized plays in relation to the conditions of this art in the first Pahlavi period and the important role of Afrasiab Azad as one of the initiators of the play. The purpose of this study is to put Azad's key concepts in the cultural and discourse contexts from which they were formed with Skinner's method, so that the advantage and validity of his thought can be put to the test. The aim of Skinner's methodology is to enable us to recover the historical identity and genealogy of each such intellectual history text. The guide to the content analysis of the data in this research based on this approach is, on the one hand, the internal logic of the intellectuals' thought system as a whole and a text, and on the other hand, measuring it with the external logic and comparing it with contemporary publications and press - including the magazine Iranshahr, Kaveh and Aindeh- will take place and the focal point is to pay attention to the recognition of opinions and goals, ideas and the thought system of Afrasiab Azad.The findings of the research aim to prove the hypothesis that the association of intellectuals from the intellectual spectrum of Afrasiab Azad led to the expansion of the acceptance of the discourse of authoritarian nationalism and the theorization of the legitimacy of the first Pahlavi government. With the reduction of modern components in the eyes of Azad in the atmosphere of political and intellectual obstruction of the Reza Shahi era, his influential social and political positions declined. In his works and publications, Afrasiab Azad was introduced as an orator, a freedom-seeker and a modernist of the post-constitutional era, who was later introduced as a writer, lawyer and playwright of the political and social genre. He used the ideas of modernism in his opinions to seek transformation along with the tradition and he believed in a form of moderate or reductionist modernism, which at the same time accepted the new concepts of antiquity and nationalism, and religion as well. He saw the base of social mobility and ethnic solidarity in the special political and social conditions of the post-constitutional period. This approach was interpreted and propagated in the service of authoritarian nationalism at the level of the government superstructure and the national unity of ethnicities and religions at the level of the people and the subalterns in order to gain legitimacy. Gradually, the modern ideas were transformed in his opinions and works and with the establishment of Pahlavi I, he only focused on describing and theorizing the existing conditions and the failure of the primary elements. The reduction and transformation of these ideas and accompanying the first Pahlavi government by Afrasiab Azad during the political and intellectual blockage of the Reza Shahi era, turned him into a messenger of the government's official discourse and led to the loss of his influential social and political base and the decline of his role. In the society of writers, a new idea was created.