نشریه پژوهش های روابط بین الملل
سال سیزدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 49، تابستان 1402)

Eurasia includes the two continents of Europe and Asia. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, it seems that the current world order, which was previously unilaterally determined by the United States for years, has faced serious challenges with the rise of China. Although China does not have harsh aggressive policies unlike the United States, but with its rapid economic development, it has worried the United States. Perhaps, in their opinion, China is the same as America in the 1940s-1950s. Therefore, the US is inclined to continue its expansion in Eurasia under any pretext. From this point of view, many challenges between China and America are likely. This research has been conducted with the aim of examining the American policies in Eurasia and the challenge with the emerging power of China. Unlike Russia, which has entered a military phase with the West, China's influence is more ambiguous and cautious, and China is more willing to counter through soft power. The results of the research show that although China is willing to use the existing international order to continue playing a bigger role in the multilateral scene and does not agree with military confrontation with the West, but the United States has a tendency to bring China into an environment different from economic competition under various pretexts. Space to ground China.

Saudi Arabia is trying to achieve leadership in the Islamic world and the position of a major regional power. This country is a traditional political regime in favor of Hanafi-Salafi Islam, a supporter of traditional regimes and fundamentalist Salafi movements in the Middle East region. The spread of Saudi Arabia's role as a supporter of Sunni fundamentalist can also be seen in regions such as Central Asia. The above issue is effective on the security complex of Central Asia and the security of this countries. Russia, China and especially Iran are also facing the transformation in the system of these collections and they are reacting to it. The purpose of this article is to investigate this issue. The question of this article states that: What effects have Saudi Arabia's actions in strengthening Salafist fundamentalism in Central Asia had on the framework of the security complex of Central Asian countries? The hypothesis of the article states that due to Saudi Arabia's use of the religious identity factor to influence the Central Asian region, by supporting movements such as Hizb ut-Tahrir and Islamic Renaissance, it has caused the spread of the idea of caliphate among the Sunni Hanafi majority in Central Asia. Securitization and the dual emergence of growth or weakening of security regionalism is the result of Saudi Arabia's security measures in Central Asia. In this context, with the intensification of the threat component, the possibility of security regionalism has, and the competition between political units in Central Asia has increased.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the bipolar system, the America claimed the position of undisputed power and the most powerful government in the international system and turned into an actor that has the ability to guide international rules and procedures alone. However, by challenging America, other great powers continued their efforts to change these conditions with long-term and strategic plans. China is one of these great powers that has the potential to become a superpower, and occupying the current position of the United States has worried American strategists and officials. With the outbreak of the Corona crisis in 2019, many hypotheses were raised regarding the fakeness of this virus to curb the economic power of China on the part of the United States or, on the contrary, on the part of China to counter the unilateralism of the United States in the international system. Assuming this competition between China and the United States of America, this article tries to answer this question did the corona virus spread globally in line with China's balancing approach against the hegemonic power of the United States or, on the contrary, the containment of China by the United States? At the end, the article evaluates the hypothesis that the behavior of the central powers of the international system is influenced by the structure of the international system and the nature of the competition between the central actors of the international system has changed, hence we are witnessing scientific-technological competitions.

One of the important issues in the field of international political economy is the conflict between America and China in the World Trade Organization (WTO) over compliance or non-compliance with the norms of this organization. The United States accuses China of not adhering to the standards it committed to after becoming a member of the WTO, while China strongly adheres to the regulations of this international organization. China's reasoning in pretending that the country adheres to the regulations of the World Trade Organization raises the question of whether there may be political and security motives behind America's claims. In other words, is it possible that America's claim against China has a political-security nature rather than a legal-commercial aspect? The hypothesis of this article is that because economic capability is the basis of military and political capability, the US is probably worried that Beijing will take advantage of the capacity of the World Trade Organization to strengthen its economic capability and, as a result, its military and political capability, thereafter in the competition for gaining a hegemonic position is like overtaking America. The findings of the article show that in many cases America has surpassed China in violating the standards of the World Trade Organization, and this issue confirms the claim that America is more concerned about the possible weakening of its dominant position than it is about international standards. It is in the field of global politics.

Qatar is one of the smallest countries of the Persian Gulf region, and has made considerable advances due to exporting liquefied natural gas (LNG). There exist a few studies on Qatar, but very few, on her LNG export to the British market. The main questions of concern here consist of: What are the policies and frames of Qatar energy actors in the British LNG market? and in which frame have they acted effectively? It is hypothesized that Qatar pursues her profit-interest and follow business frame. In this article the Erving Goffman’s frame analyses theoretical framework is applied in assessing the opportunities and constraints of Qatar energy actors in the Britain LNG market in their geographical resources, economic, institutional and environmental frames’ contexts. The result of this research is in applying a multi-disciplinary approach in assessing the complexities of LNG in the subject market. The findings indicate that Qatar has gained high LNG revenues and developed her socio-economic conditions, with less interest on the environmental issues. The tool for data collection is library and internet sources, and the qualitative research method is descriptive-analytical.

National power refers to a concept in which governments determine the national, regional, and international Status of a country by utilizing their potential and actual material and spiritual resources, relying on their governance methods and leadership quality within society. After the Cold War, economic strength has become one of the most important pillars for strengthening the national power of countries. In this research, using an analytical-explanatory method and relying on written and online sources, we aim to answer the question: "Considering the relative importance of the economy in global and regional competitions and its increasing role in the national power of countries, why has the role of this significant factor been weak in Iran's national power?" The hypothesis put forward to answer this question is that "although the economy has been emphasized and attended to in Iran's macro-level policymaking, it has not been a priority in the implementation of the country's governance system." The examination of theoretical foundations and the role of the economy in Iran's national power indicates that the primary reason for the diminished role of the economy lies in the increased pressure of sanctions and threats, which prioritized military deterrence capabilities in the country. Furthermore, an idealistic approach to development and the mismatch between many program objectives and reality resulted in their failure, diminishing the role of the economy in the country's national power.

"Strategic Pre-planning" is an Approach that Uses Objective and Future-Oriented Analyzes to First Draw a Complete and Clear Picture of the Future of the Research Subject and then, Using Special Models and Techniques, Determine the Strategy and Probable and Desirable Scenarios. and Processes their Results. Iran and Turkmenistan are two Countries with a Common Cultural-Civilizational history and a water-land neighbor, and in three political, economic and cultural fields, the two countries have suitable capacities and opportunities to establish strategic bilateral relations, and these capacities and opportunities happen to be "complementary" significantly. They are relative to each other. By adopting an explanatory and "interdisciplinary" method, the research tried to analyze the foreign policy strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Turkmenistan and to answer the question: What are the foreign policy strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the country of Turkmenistan and whether these strategies were successful and dynamic. Passive and unsuccessful? In response to the research problem, this hypothesis was proposed that Iran's foreign policy strategies have been passive and unsuccessful due to internal weaknesses and environmental challenges. The research results show that the chance of Iran's foreign policy favorable scenarios in Turkmenistan is very low due to various challenges and weaknesses. The method of collecting information was document-library research.

Defense Diplomacy is a part of the National Power of countries, which, along with foreign policy, forms the source of exercising power to improve the capacity of a country to act in foreign relations.This type of diplomacy will not only oversee the application of defense policy in the field of diplomacy, but also involve the participation of diplomacy in the field of defense policy.Considering its special geopolitical situation and having diverse and unstable neighbors like Pakistan, the Islamic Republic of Iran, as one of the most unstable and crisis-prone countries in the world, needs to know and explain the factors affecting its national security.Therefore, investigating and understanding this country and its military-security relations, especially in the form of defense diplomacy, can help to realize Iran's defense strategy.In this research, based on the descriptive-analytical method, the authors tried to find an answer to the question, "What is the role and place of Defense Diplomacy in the Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Pakistan?"

One of the upcoming challenges in the field of globalization of culture is the issue of assimilation or assimilation of culture. In the discussions of cultural convergence and homogenization, attention has often been paid to globalization and assimilation, rather than examining the process of homogenization of cultures, which will be achieved by universal acceptance and public persuasion towards a superior and more complete culture. The purpose of the current research, which was carried out in a descriptive-analytical and library way, is to investigate the assimilation of different cultures, identities and values. The results of the present research show that the intellectual foundations of Islam have been placed for the homogenization of the world for the sake of human dignity. The design and implementation of these intellectual foundations is for all humanity, far from any color, race, nationality, etc. The intellectual basis of Islam is complete and it is the source of revelation and wants the all-round happiness of humanity. But on the other hand, the intellectual foundations of the West for assimilation seek to dominate humanity and to achieve their goals. These foundations are incomplete and have a one-dimensional view of humanity. It does not pursue the all-round development of humanity and is only to meet the material needs of mankind; Therefore, it can be said that the West does not have the authority to lead this assimilation.

One of the most important issues in the political circles of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the issue of relations with America and achieving development and progress under this relation. The current research is based on the comparative method, by comparing the political economy of the two countries of Iran and Egypt as two complete patterns of divergence and convergence in relation to America, while examining the development patterns of the two countries based on the theories of dependence and modernization, and also examining the consequences of this divergence and convergence. with the United States on the development process of the two countries, it is important to answer this question: How can the comparison of the development process of the two countries Iran and Egypt be evaluated from the point of view of divergence and economic political convergence with the United States? The hypothesis raised in response to this question is that the divergence and convergence with America has advantages and disadvantages for both countries. In such a way that the convergence of Egypt's political economy with America has led to Egypt's economic dependence on Western aid on the one hand, and on the other hand, it has led to the attraction of foreign investment, political-security cooperation with America, and the development of tourism. While the divergence of Iran's political economy with the United States has led to political, security, and scientific self-reliance on the one hand,

The "Hybrid War" strategy that Russia adopted against Ukraine following the Crimean crisis in 2014, reached its pinnacle in the more recent (2022) war. Moscow has used various hybrid tactics during its military operations against Kyiv. Therefore, the main question that current research seeks to answer is: what hybrid war tactics Russia has employed against Kyiv, and how these tactics have affected the 2022 war in Ukraine? A conceptual framework based on the Hybrid Warfare and its critical components have been adopted to scrutinize the very impacts of the Russian Hybrid Warfare strategy on the ongoing war. The findings of the research demonstrate that Russia has used 3 major tactics in the recent war, including media warfare, cyber attacks, and targeted attacks on key areas and infrastructures of Ukraine. These Hybrid Operations have caused disruption and confusion to Ukraine's defense operations and financial-logistical allocations. As a result, Ukraine's defense, and financial capabilities to deal with Russia's hybrid threats have been severely depleted. The findings of the paper can contribute in strengthening the Persian literature on the Hybrid War, in general, and Russian hybrid warfare tactics, in particular.