مجله علوم سیاسی
پیاپی 63 (تابستان 1402)

One of the essential indicators for the survival of a political system is political loyalty, which dependsonseveral influential factors, including the economic status and welfare of the people, trust in officials, the legitimacy of the system, reference groups.The aim of the current research is to investigate the effect of reference groups on politica l loyalty.The method studied in this research is descriptive, analytical and based on the Delphi technique.The statistical population studied included 10 people from the governorate, university professors and political activists.The data collection tool was a researcher-made questionnaire that was developed by the panel members.The obtained results were analyzed using SPSS data analysis software.To analyze the findings, the percentage of frequency and averages, the score level of each index and the level of Kendall's correlation coefficient test were used, which in the third round with Kendall's test value (0.0) 87) and a significance level of 0.025, acceptable results were obtained. It can be concluded that among the confirmed and final indicators in the third round, according to the level of points and their average ranks, more important indicators can be prioritized in political loyalty. Insuch a way that peer social relations index with an agreement level of 45 and an average rank of 45.45 had the highest percentage of importance, in the social and cultural modernity section, literacy index with an agreement level of 45 and an average rank of 10.15 was the second most important index ofthe research.

The upcoming article seeks to investigate the role of the influential capitals of the new middle class in the political competitions of the Islamic Republic of Iran; In this regard, while examining Bourdieu's practical theory, explaining the types of capital and the compatibility of this theory with the political environment of Iran, the author has addressed the role of new middle class capitals in the political contests of the period known as reformism and fundamentalism. In terms of methodology, it is a descriptive-analytical study that has been used to collect information from library and documentary methods. What economic, social, political, cultural and symbolic capitals did the new middle class use in the political contests of the Islamic Republic of Iran and how did they exploit these capitals? It constitutes the most important question of the present research. In sum, the results of the research show that the most important influential capitals of the new middle class are intellectuals, students, civil and non-governmental organizations, celebrities, national bourgeoisie, strategic agencies, prestigious groups, the press, and political parties and organizations that compete with the traditional middle class in They used them during national elections.

Relations between Iran and India,as two important countries in West and South Asia, have had many ups and downs after the Iranian Islamic Revolution,and factors such as the internal policies of both countries and the influence of the international system have played a role in this sinusoidal relationship.In this research,by using available library works and resources in a descriptive-explanatory method,we try to find the answer to the question,what is the understanding of foreign policy agents of Iran and India about each other? What opportunities and challenges are there for this relationship?The results show that after Iran joined the non-alignment movement, there was a lot of hope for the improvement of relations between Iran and India.due to reasons such as Iran's support for Pakistan's position in the Kashmir issue and India's Eastern Bloc's support for Iraq in the imposed war against Iran,It didn't happen.But after the end of the Cold War and the paradigm shift of India's foreign policy from idealism to realism,the change in domestic politics,the marginalization of the National Congress Party,the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the closeness to the West and the support of American positions the relations turned cold. The result is that Iran and India have opportunities for regional,strategic and defense integration and to fight against terrorism and challenges such as the influence of America, Israel and India's Middle East policies and most importantly Iran's nuclear program,which can be effective in changing relations.This research from the perspective of theory Realism has analyzed this relationship.

The age of concept of peace and attention to it can be estimated as long as the formation of wars in human society. Throughout the history of mankind, there have been struggle, conflict and violence in human societies and humans have tried to deal with this situation and to end the war and establish peace. Although peace is usually defined as the absence of war, gradually, especially in the new era, a broader meaning called positive peace has been proposed which has emphasized the need for indicators beyond the existence of conflict. So in this article, emphasizing the concept of positive peace based on the thought of "Johan Galtung" and at the same time using the eight indicators of positive peace provided by the Institute of Economics and Peace (IEP), in addition to the negative aspect of peace, the positive aspects and in other words the needs of peace in societies have been discussed. The findings of the research show that positive peace is not only as a problem along with other issues of human societies, but also it has an irreplaceable important role as a necessary and inevitable basis for the realization of many macro goals of societies, such as interaction, solidarity, and development.

Neoclassical realism, based on the anarchic nature of the international system, has always been criticized by non-realists. Some theories consider neo-realism to be indifferent to the construction of the state and the internal factors affecting its behavior. This theory is a combination of classical realism and neorealism, which considers the structure of the international system and internal factors.Therefore, the main goal of this research is to examine the role of internal factors, governing institutions and influential figures in the foreign policy of the Iran to examine, to examine the objectives, decision-making process and foreign policy behaviors of the iran, as well as to examine the sum total of the structure of the international system, systematic levels, and some effective internal factors in the foreign policy of the iran from the theory of neoclassical realism. We will use the method of examining dependent elements, especially the internal factors affecting the foreign policy of iran, to examine specific cases and existing examples, and the place of this theory and the role of internal factors, governing institutions and influential figures in foreign policy.The results of this research show that, considering the sensitive events in the foreign policy of the Iran, important and influential figures have a definite impact on the decision-making process and behavior of the foreign policy, and it can be said that the two components of the structure of the international system and internal factors are always He has drawn the shape of the behavior of the foreign policy of iran.

This article examines the confrontation and resistance of the Iranians against the subjugation of the Islamic-Arab identity of the Arabs (especially the Umayyads) from the time of the arrival of the Muslim Arabs until before the Abbasids came to power. On the one hand, this study refers to the strategies of groups and currents that tried to escape from the relations and mechanisms of subjugation of Arab-Islamic identity with various forms of resistance, and on the other hand, it examines the results of these resistances on Iranian identity.The results of this study show that the resistance of Iranians was irregularly distributed among different currents and groups and the centers of resistance were different according to the time and place that occurred: Sometimes by relying on their own thoughts and ideas (like the Zonbilis) and sometimes by relying on non-Iranian forces such as the Kharijites; Others accompanied the Arabs and joined the Islamic army as infantry in the hope of trophy or fearing for their lives; Others, hoping for revenge on the Arab fighters, went to the support of any force opposed to the central caliphate so that they could resist the central caliphate and escape Arab domination.