نشریه دولت پژوهی ایران معاصر
سال نهم شماره 3 (پاییز 1402)

The issue of the authority of the president in Iran is always one of the topics that are in the presidency of Indviduals andAbstractThe issue of the authority of the president in Iran is always one of the topics that are in the presidency of Indviduals and the beginings of the officals elections in scientific and public circles, and as well as two general views of Mitney on the interpretation of the point of extensive survey, it is true that There is an interstitial View in this regard, because the relationship between these two interpretation (public publicy)is. In this research, with a descriptive analytical review, while reviewing the constitution and the law of determining the scope of the presidency and responsibilies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, we have concluded that even in accordance with the view of destrictive interpretation Also in the scope of the authority of the president as a responsible for the executive of the constitution, the place of conflict is outside the area of the executive branch, not in the executive branch Itseif. And in other words, the implementation of the constitution in the executive branch is located as a common magnitude of the president’s at least it is practice of his authority of other laws

The present study seeks a comparative study of the nature and function of political parties in the political thought of Ayatollah Shahid Beheshti and Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Mahdavi Kani. Paying attention to the commonalities and differences between these ideas and different views and descriptions of the quality of the political party, will lead to a better understanding of these ideas in the face of the party issue, and the result of that comparative analysis will increase party knowledge in the existing party system. Therefore, the main question of the present article is what is the nature and function of political parties in the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of Ayatollah Beheshti and Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani and their similarities and differences. To get the answer; Three components of the thinker and provider of the theory, the audience, and the context or historical context have been considered; The descriptive-comparative method has been used to analyze and classify the collected data based on the library method. Therefore, the present article; After explaining the main characteristics, in two sections, the nature and function of Western political parties, went to the views of these two thinkers, and their views were read and compared in these two sections. The findings of this study show that despite the commonalities of the two thinkers in the substantive and functional part of the parties, there are also distinct aspects that are specific to the thought of the thinker who is noteworthy in determining his party position

The historical change of the governance method after the Islamic revolution and the prominence of the democratic approach increased the importance of people's role in socio-political decision-making to the extent that it has always been considered in the concept of socio-political participation. This social participation has always been in line with the social decisions of the statesmen and in support of them, but in some cases it has taken the form of social protest and imposed costs on the country.Due to this importance, examining social protests and responding appropriately to them after taking into consideration the needs and expectations of the public in the initial social decisions can be considered one of the special tasks of the governments of the Islamic Republic. In the future, with proper planning, they can be prevented from changing their path towards violent events and increasing the country's political-security costs, and preventing the wastage of the country's main capital (youth).With this assumption, the present research is based on the data-based method and within the framework of Max Weber's theory of social micro-action, the opinions of 323 young people who have a history of university education and use social networks are snowballed until reaching theoretical saturation about how to protest. Government decisions have been questioned in the current media environment. The data obtained from semi-structured interviews were analyzed in five steps, and as a result, about 600 primary codes were calculated in 19 concepts and 6 categories in 4 structured categories and the model of social protest of educated youth

Various theories have been presented about the nature of Pahlavi II's rule, and each of these theories has explained the nature of Pahlavi II's rule from a specific angle. Each author has organized his theory based on his own perception of the main feature of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's government, some have made economy, some culture, some politics and some social features the criteria of their assessment of the nature of Pahlavi II's government. In this regard, various theories have been proposed to explain the nature of the second Pahlavi government, such as the theory of patrimonialism, oriental tyranny, absolute government, rentier government, Sultanate regime, etc. However, the nature of this government is still disputed by theorists, so the author in this article It seeks to answer the question, which theory has the greatest ability to explain the nature of Mohammad Reza Shah's government between 1342 and 1357? In this regard, the author believes that none of the theories presented about the nature of Pahlavi II's government alone can explain the nature of Mohammad Reza Shah's government. , and the application of each of these theories alone has shortcomings and weaknesses. Therefore, by presenting the theory of patrimonialism, Tahsildar tries to explain what the second Pahlavi government is, which is a combination of patrimonialism and rentier government

In order to understand the feasibility and economic viability of Iranian gas export projects, the neighboring exporters and their policies and strategies need to be taken into account. These are Russia, Iran, Qatar, Turkmenistan, Saudi Arabia and the United States. While Iran understands its own tremendous resource potential and sees itself as a major emerging natural gas power, While Iran understands its own tremendous resource potential and sees itself as a major emerging natural gas power its market integration could be hampered by vested interests from incumbent market suppliers and their main political,While Iran understands its own tremendous resource potential and sees itself as a major emerging natural gas power economic and geopolitical stakeholders. Assuming that Iran overcomes its various internal problems and could realize its vast natural gas potential without limitations and constraints, it still faces competition from other suppliers. Iran’s main competitors in the regional gas market would be Russia, Qatar, Turkmenistan and the US.

This paper develops a theoretical framework labeled the Politics-Media-Politics (PMP) principle. The aim of this principle is to provide a conceptual foundation upon which to create a more comprehensive approach to explaining the role of the news media in political processes. The PMP principle is based on two central claims. First, the role of the media in political processes can best be understood as a cycle in which variations in the political environment lead to variations in media conduct that, in turn, lead to further variations in the political environment. Second, the media can play an independent role in political processes due to their ability to transform political realities into news stories that can at times have a significant impact on political outcomes. The discussion is divided into three main sections. The first section reviews some of the major theories in political communication that serve as building blocks for the PMP principle. The second section uses findings from a diverse range of studies to demonstrate the PMP principle’s usefulness. The third part of the paper presents some revealing exceptions to the PMP principle