فصلنامه علوم اجتماعی
سال بیست و نهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 99، زمستان 1402)

The purpose of this research is to explain the factors related to the attitude of students of Isfahan University towards the phenomenon of marriage, in the framework of a combined approach and using the exploratory-sequential strategy. The grounded theory method was used in the qualitative phase of the research, and the survey method was used in the quantitative phase. The results of this research show that the factors related to students' attitude towards marriage are able to explain the variance of this variable in a medium to high level. The effect coefficients have also shown the direct and significant effect of the variables of marriage imagery, subjective self-evaluation, academic atmosphere and consequentialism on students' attitude towards marriage, and the quantitative results of the research confirm the qualitative results to a large extent.

Marriage, as the foundation of family and social life, has taken on various forms and shapes in the contemporary world. In Iranian society, attitudes towards marriage and marital behavior have been influenced by the transformations of the modern world, as well as changing obstacles and challenges compared to the past. Despite its significance for society and the continuity of its structures, marriage has faced challenges in recent decades. Students are considered one of the most important social groups, primarily in the age range for marriage. The weakening inclination of students towards marriage and consequently the delay in their marriage can lead to significant cultural, social, and economic issues for the Iranian society in the future.
The present study aims to adopt a pragmatic paradigm and utilize a combined strategic, action-oriented, and result-oriented approach in this regard. By applying this combined approach, the study seeks to find practical and implementable solutions to strengthen the inclination of students towards marriage and reduce the delay in their marriage.

Research on various aspects of marriage has been extensive. However, no research has been conducted on the identification and explanation of factors related to students' attitudes towards marriage in the city of Isfahan. Sohrab Zadeh and Parnian (2016), in a qualitative study titled "Categorization of Girls' Inclination towards Marriage," identified seven categories of inclination towards marriage, including enclosed inclination and hierarchical categories influenced by postmodern discourse. These categories had characteristics such as acceptance of male dominance, women's citizenship, and the acceptance of religious and cultural obligations towards marriage. Avaresin and Nazari (2018), in their study titled "Attitudes of Islamic Azad University Tabriz Branch Students towards Marriage," using a descriptive-case study approach and an expectation measurement questionnaire, showed that realistic expectations of marriage were given higher priority, while pessimistic expectations had the lowest priority. Additionally, as age increased, the overall expectation of marriage decreased for realistic and idealistic marriage, while pessimistic expectations increased. It is worth noting that while the level of expectations from marriage was measured in this research, students' attitudes towards marriage were not investigated.
Li (2014) demonstrated in their study on young people's attitudes towards marriage that children's attitudes towards marriage were highly dependent on the parent/family environment. Those whose parents experienced conflict, divorce, and post-divorce parental conflicts expressed a negative attitude towards marriage.
The combined quantitative and qualitative approach, utilizing an exploratory-sequential strategy and developing a researcher-made questionnaire based on qualitative findings (identified concepts and categories), is one of the advantages of this research. Moreover, the inclusion of both male and female participants differentiates this study from previous ones.

The research method used a combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches. The quantitative approach involves the use of a questionnaire to collect data on students' attitudes towards marriage, while the qualitative approach includes in-depth interviews to explore the underlying factors influencing their attitudes. The participants in this research were selected from both male and female students, which allows for a comprehensive understanding of the topic. By including diverse perspectives, the study aims to capture a broader range of experiences and opinions related to marriage.
The research process consists of several steps. First, a comprehensive review of the literature was conducted to identify existing theories and findings related to students' attitudes towards marriage. This review helped to establish a theoretical framework for the study and guide

Based on the coding of the interviews, eight main themes were identified, including structured barriers, multidimensional self-evaluation, entrenched fear of failure, visualization of marriage, university environment, psychological-emotional consequences, social consequences, and economic consequences.
Following that, the questions and hypotheses for the quantitative section were formulated:Question (1): What is the attitude of students towards marriage?
Hypothesis (1): There is a difference in attitudes towards marriage between male and female students.
Hypothesis (2): Qualitative variables have an impact on students' attitudes towards marriage.
The results showed the following:a) The distribution of the research sample based on gender indicated that 8.34% of the sample were male students and 3.65% were female students.
b) The average of the variable "attitude towards marriage" and its dimensions differs significantly from the hypothetical average. Therefore, factors related to students' attitudes towards marriage, on average, have the ability to explain the variance of this variable, indicating confidence in the findings.
c) Furthermore, the values related to the estimation of the independent t-test indicate that there is a significant difference between male and female students in terms of their attitude towards marriage.
d) The independent variables of the study, in total, explain 51% of the variance in the "attitude towards marriage" variable. Considering the values related to effect size and the coefficient of determination, this value is estimated to be large. In other words, the independent variables of the study have a high ability to explain the variance of the "attitude towards marriage" variable.

Structural, value, historical and global transformations in the last 50 years in Iran have provided youths with new meanings and experiences and have posed them as an important player for understanding socio economic and political dynamics of Iranian society. Relying on large scale representative surveys conducted in the last decades and also drawing on some historical documents, the present paper aims to present an analysis of changes in contemporary values and lifestyles of Iranian youth and to draw the trends it has gone through. Policies, strategies and important currents like adopting western styles of development, social differentiation, discursive and ideological conflicts, imposed war, globalization, expansion of new information and communication technologies are amongst major backgrounds transforming the status of youth in Iran. While suggesting the impacts of global youth culture, the above changes are also entangled with and influenced by historical and local conditions. In sum, an assessment of historical value transformations simultaneously manifests elements of change and continuity.

Historical, structural and global transformations in the last 50 years in Iran have provided youths with new meanings and experiences and have posed them as important players in understanding socio economic and political dynamics of Iranian society. The current paper aims to draw a concise picture of youth culture transformations in the last half century in Iran and to explain the major trends according to a comparative analysis some national survey data on selective dimensions of values and lifestyles (reference points, national and religious identifications, leisure styles and participation values).

The conceptual framework draws on major trends and transformations that have been occurring during 1340 and 1350 {1960-1970}. This period is a time when modern and powerful youth emerges in Iran. The relative establishment of political governance, expansion of commercial ties with the west, an increase in oil revenues, increasing migrations from rural to urban areas, formation of new institutions offering cultural and welfare services to the youth, the expansion of popular culture infrastructures (shopping centers, sport centers, cinemas, parks and recreational centers, public libraries and so on), are amongst the major developments that together boosted youths positions and enabled them to get more involved in the socio-cultural currents of the society.

A systematic review of the both research literature dealing with youths’ values and lifestyles and youth periodicals in 1340 and 1350 along with an analysis of some national surveys conducted in the last four decades have been undertaken. The surveys both relate to those specifically designed for measuring youth attitudes and values (mostly by Iranian National Youth Organization/ Sport Ministry) and those designed for all adult age groups. In the case of the latter, care has been taken to take a sub samples as close to the youth samples as possible (those aged 15 to 29).

The findings rely on the trends of changes in the values and lifestyles of youth on themes and items like family and generational relationships, national-religious values, leisure values and participative values. On generational values, surveys suggest that generational contracts amongst age groups continues to be strong. These is no indication of severe tensions among generations and the relationships amongst youth and their parents instead tends toward mutual understanding and cooperation. The picture, however, is totally different when it comes to the judgements generations make of formal institutions and political officials.
On religious and national values, the comparison of data suggests that national and religious identity categories are rather exclusively defined by youth. In general, despite the relevance of religious values, the ritual dimensions of religion are less important for youth. Similarly, a growth in nationalistic and cosmopolitan values can vividly be observed from the recent surveys.  
On leisure styles and values, trends suggest a rapid expansion in (new) media consumption from the 1380 onwards. In fact, digital leisure as the major time use of Iranian youth allow them to complement and compensate for some shortages or constraints they face in real life (particularly for some under privileged groups). On the other hand, social networks have rapidly changed Iranian youths’ leisure tastes, needs and emotional experiences. In spite of some opportunities obtained, excessive reliance on the network tends to deter youth from seeking entertainments requiring more skills and creativity.
And finally on participative values, the trends amongst Iranian youth are much similar to the global trends. A decline in political trust, a sense of unpredictability towards future and a sense of exclusion negatively affect youths’ tendencies to engage into more participation.

Structural, value, historical and global transformations in the last 50 years have turned youth from a marginal and problematic category into a strategic, sensitive and crucial phenomenon in Iran. While suggesting the impacts of global youth cultures, the above changes are also entangled with and influenced by historical and local conditions. Diversities in choices, opportunities, interpretations and representations have provided youth with exceptional opportunities for crossing youth cultural boundaries and choosing personal styles. Fluidity and diversity in the choices and fields of action have potentially created diverse venues of practicing youth. However, cultural values in Iranian society continue to be dominated by structural forces and conditions.

The specificity of the coronavirus pandemic is indebted to the ironic fact of returning to the ancient tradition of quarantine at the threshold of the 21st century and the utmost progress of medicine and hygiene. Considering the gender aspects of home quarantine, this research aims at understanding women’s gendered experience of COVID-19. Under the verstehen interpretive paradigm, we analyze the experiences of twenty-three 30-52-year-old, married women who were interviewed during the first home quarantine in 2020. The content analysis of these women’s experiences gave us four conceptual patterns include crisis, female double subjectivity and endurance, feminine suspense and body management under the panic, and masculinity and the deconstruction of the dominant image by returning to the importance of fathers’ status. Overall, the calling of women to the center of the crisis and the disruption of the usual social order offers the Iranian women a historically subjective role and the opportunity to construct a different image of their feminine self in individual, family, and social levels. Meanwhile, the genealogy of pandemics shows that the centrality of the “housewife” as the dominant discourse under crisis is temporal, as the society returns to its misogynist origin with the passage of the crisis..

COVID-19 as a critical global incident in the 21st century emerged in the utmost development of medicine and of global health metrics. The unknown nature of the pandemic and of the preventative and treatment methods, in addition to the fear of the high risk of contamination and death, added to the curiosity of the disease and the mismanagement of the whole condition. In consequence, the most they could do about it has been to apply the traditional Middle Ages method of quarantine. As the sole preventative and even treatment method, home quarantine turned home and family into the main alternative in front of governments in retreating COVIC-19. The social understanding of COVID-19 as a disaster in its primitive treatment framework finds additional gender orientations.
Research Question(s)
The current research answers two questions: 1) what is women’s gendered experience of themselves and the male other during COVID-19? And 2) how has the process of women’s subjectivity in their reflexivity of selves, the other, and the social world during COVID-19 been experienced?

Gender is the most important and original element in the construction and meaning of the self (Wharton, 2012: 37); thus, it provides the major source of knowledge for constructing the male or female self (Goffman, 1977: 301-331). It is constructed through the social process known as tenderization (Macé, 2015: 17-18), representing the social status, and the rationality and legitimacy of one of the fundamental divisions and various social orders that are observed in every society. It is the socio-cultural and micro-political produce (West and Zimmerman, 1987: 125-151) that is maintained in a body of gendered behaviors and expectations constantly obtained and lived as part of the socialization process (Holmes, 2010: 125-151). Understanding gender as a social phenomenon that has stood the test of time, adds to the significance of gender experiences in a crisis-relevant framework.
Disasters expose individuals to conscious action by interrupting the ordinary flow of everyday life and setting them free of the habitual norms of thinking and acting (Schütz, 2003: 19). Crisis is defined as a trial opportunity in terms of encircling people in painful situations that oblige finding new skills and creative problem-solving capabilities, mostly accompanied by pain and pressure (Martuccelli and de Singly, 2012: 73-80). The trial and the social experience that comes with it, are the intersection of individuals and the social structure, in which the rationale for action emerges during the trial situation and the social experience, itself composed of three segments: “integration”, “strategy” and “subjectivation” (Dubet, 1994: 136(. The social world is the context in which effective action takes place in the heart of experience and the knowledge of the surroundings. The individual’s knowledge of the social lifeworld is organized around the meaning of her actions under circumstances where she targets the control of her lifeworld and social relationships and locates herself at the center to recognize and utilize the elements that maximize this purpose (Schütz, 2003: 10-11). The social experience and the improvement of capabilities that are required for dealing with difficult situations are inclusive of the two processes of subjectivity and reflexivity.
Subjectivity is a fulfilled social process formed around the reflexive subject in which, in a process of working on the self, the subject attains new consciousness for the constant reflexivity, redefinition, moderation, and reformation of one’s consciousnesses and actions. In this process, personal life turns into a project open to new restrictions, worries, and concerns as well as new opportunities and untried experiences (Giddens, 2021: 22). Reflexivity is performed in a bedrock of the individual’s critical distanciation from and assessment of oneself, others, and the social lifeworld (Martuccelli and de Singly, 2012: 73-80). Therefore, reflexivity and “the narrative of individuation” in modernity are understood and experienced in the context of internal and external clashes (Bertucci, 2009: 43-55).

After defining the individual and his conception of social reality as the prospects for understanding social phenomena (Martuccelli and de Singly 2012: 76), this research is conducted in the verstehen interpretive framework and constructivist epistemology. The method applied is basic qualitative research (Merriam, 2015: 46-48) and the techniques for gathering and analyzing data are semi-structured in-depth interview and thematic analysis. The sampling method is purposive while the population is made of 23 married women between 30-52 from Tehran and Alborz provinces while maximum diversity in age, appearance and class and religious affiliations has been observed in their selection. Due to the state of quarantine in 2020, the interviews were conducted via WhatsApp application and in the form of oral questions and answers that have been defined based on the research guidelines.

Four dominant meaning patterns and their sub-meanings as identified in the thematic analysis of interviewee’s narratives include: crisis, subjectivity and double feminine resilience (the loss of the functionality of the concept of roles in explaining the complexity of feminine experience, the frustration with being oneself and the resulting duplication of crisis harms, the emergence of woman as the heroin subject), suspension of femininity and body management under disease panic (deference of femininity in the return to the natural body, the unbearableness of the lived time waiting for the disaster, the deferred gendered life in the panic of the moment of crisis), masculinity and the deconstruction of the dominant image in crises (the perplexity of masculinity in the entanglement of the spaces for social familial life, the lack of domestic work skills and men’s avoidance from the private sphere, expectation for disaster and the lack of masculine authority), and the return to the importance of paternal status in the experience of crisis (the absence of paternal emotional authority in waiting for disaster, gendered consciousness in the shared experience of disaster and the demand for the presence of father, financial support as the precondition for good fatherhood).

The COVID-19 crisis as compared to other disasters such as floods, earthquakes, and war, has been experienced around the center of home and family, leading to the disruption of the normal, everyday life order of the house. Defining home quarantine at the core of controlling the disease brings women to the central position in crisis management. At this central position, women begin to work on their feminine self, learn new skills, and improve these capabilities due to the demand that is created by the crisis and the disruption of the previous order of social life. Meanwhile, and especially because of the absence of the government, further pressure, mental and psychological, put on women for appropriate reaction. Overall, in the dominant discourse of social sciences which is defined with pathological approaches, being under such circumstances of extra pressure makes people, especially women, more vulnerable. This is while the COVID-19 crisis has been a historical moment in women’s subjectivity and individuality, especially for Iranian women. Nevertheless, the historical accounts of pandemics as crises and disasters show that though women are the subjects called to the center in all these accounts, as a result of which house and household management around the discourse of the “housewife” turns into the dominant discourse, this centralization of femininity is temporal and restricted to those historical moments. With the return of society to its normal order, women are once again deprived of the central position; in other words, the misogynist genealogy is back there as the dominant discourse.

I am obliged to the Allameh Tabatabae’i University for allowing me to conduct this research. I extend my gratitude to Dr. Dabbaghi, Faculty of the ATU for her kind assistance in compiling the research proposal and completing the interviews, Dr. Shf'ati for joining the team in the initial analysis of data, and Dr. Khazaei, Faculty of the University of Tehran and the main colleague of the project.

These days, unlike the past, the celebration of weddings in major cities has become less participatory, and various stages of it are mostly entrusted to commercial institutions from start to the end. These conditions indicate that in today's society, an industry called the wedding industry is emerging, and weddings are increasingly becoming commercialized. The aim of this article is to understand the characteristics of this emerging industry in the city of Hamedan and study its various aspects. Regarding the wedding industry, there are various theories, research, and perspectives that generally emphasize the women’s agency, consumerism, and the commodification of the capitalist system. These perspectives are reviewed in the article. This article utilizes a qualitative research method, and its data is collected through semi-structured in-depth interviews with 16 individuals working in the wedding industry in the city of Hamedan. The fundamental concepts of the interviews are then extracted using thematic analysis technique, and the analyses are finally structured based on nine core themes. The results of this research indicate that the expansion of the wedding industry, with its prominent feature of "commercialization," encompasses "feminine subjectivity" and reinforces the culture of "individualism" and "commodification," leading to the weakening of local wedding ceremonies.

The wedding industry is a complex combination of commercial and cultural activities, goods, and services, fundamentally reflecting the cultural attitude towards marriage ceremonies in a consumer society. Modern wedding celebrations, as a standardized and prevalent pattern, have been normalized in many societies and appear natural. Over time, this industry has diversified and evolved to the extent that it has now created a significant consumer market for wedding ceremonies. Wedding celebrations in the city of Hamedan have gradually come under the influence of this consumer market. The central objective of this article is to understand and analyze the elements of the wedding industry in this city. Accordingly, the research questions are:1) What characteristics and features do workers in the wedding industry in Hamedan attribute to this industry?
2) What social and cultural mechanisms does the commercialization trend of wedding celebrations in Hamedan encompass, and which social trends is it potentially susceptible to?

Commercial wedding celebrations have been examined by various researchers from various perspectives, and this article focuses on their concepts and approaches. In summarizing the theoretical literature, the review of these studies reveals that in Western studies on wedding celebrations, concepts of "consumerism" and "individual choice" are frequently emphasized, and this consumer culture is primarily directed towards women in the first place. Additionally, non-Western researchers in their studies have delved into the discussion of imitation and harmony with global wedding patterns and focused on the cultural and social mechanisms of this industry in non-Western societies.

This article employs a qualitative methodology, utilizing narrative interviews. Researchers conducted semi-structured in-depth interviews with 16 individuals in the wedding industry, focusing on their lived experiences to identify the characteristics and capabilities of the wedding industry in Hamedan. The choice of interviewing individuals in the wedding industry was driven by their deep connection to the industry and their profound understanding of the governing mechanisms in this field. The research field was Hamedan, and the sampling method was purposeful and chain-referral. Interviews continued until the data started to repeat. To ensure not to lose information and narratives and with the participants' consent, the interviews were recorded and transcribed after the interviews. Each interview lasted between 15 to 60 minutes. Furthermore, data analysis in this article follows the thematic analysis method, considering the individual as the unit of observation and analysis, with a focus on fine-grained levels of analysis.

In this article, the focus is on the study of Hamedan, one of the western cities of Iran. Similar to many geographical regions in Iran, this city has been influenced by the expanding wedding industry, leading to transformations in local wedding ceremonies. Hamedan is a relatively large city with a socio-cultural structure that combines both modern and traditional elements. Additionally, globalization and the culture of global capital consumption have spread in this city, transforming its market and business environment.
In this article, narratives from 16 individuals working in the wedding industry in Hamedan were explored to understand the characteristics of this industry. Participants identified 9 features based on their lived experiences in the business environment of Hamedan. These features include "Significant and Inevitable Celebration", "Transformation of Collective-Collaborative Rituals", "Commercial and Commodity Complex", "Feminine Consumerism", "Subjectivity, Selectivity, and Choice," "Specialization in Commercialized Weddings", "Risk Mitigation Management", "Aesthetic Recognition of Wedding Ceremonies and Representation of the Best Text", and "Globalization and Cultural Homogenization of Wedding Celebrations".

Commercializing wedding celebrations in Hamedan provides opportunities for creating unique social and cultural interactions and poses both opportunities and threats. The wedding industry in Hamedan allows couples, especially brides, to engage in subjectivity, shaping and managing their wedding celebrations according to their desires with the help of industry professionals. The wedding celebration emerges as a social construct, where Hamedani brides assert their agency and organize their identity as the "ideal bride." This industry empowers young Hamedani women, granting them more freedom of choice and agency.
Moreover, in the past decades, Hamedan's wedding celebrations were based on simplicity, fostering collaborative teamwork and strengthening collective spirit. However, today, the commercialization of these celebrations in Hamedan, in sync with the expansion of consumer culture, reflects more prominently the role of wedding service providers in the community, ultimately imposing exorbitant costs on couples and their families. Furthermore, the commercialization of wedding celebrations in the modern consumer culture of Hamedan has the potential to deepen social divides, increase social comparison, amplify relative deprivation, and ultimately intensify the sense of social inequality.

This article is derived from a doctoral thesis in cultural sociology at the University of Guilan. The authors express their gratitude to all individuals who participated in and supported this research.

The purpose of writing this article is to provide a critical model for social science book criticism to help the research in social sciences by confronting the main research model. The method of this article is review and criticism. In this article, 25 treatises-books are reviewed in the field of political sociology and political science. The research shows that the most important research harms in Iranian political sociology and political science are as follows: incorrect establishment of causal relationships between variables, not having the problem as a puzzle and confusion between the problem and the question, excessive fascination of the researcher with theories and failure to present causal mechanisms, inappropriate use of establishing Causal relationships in research. The research showed that the time gap between master's and doctorate courses, the gap between published articles and the academic gap between master's degree and doctorate, the type of university and the field of study of researchers have an effect on the disadvantages of research.Research problems can be reduced by using the following solutions:A- Highlighting inconsistency, inconsistency, contradiction and mystery in the statement of the problem.
B- Recalling and rereading research records in stating the problem, research findings and the whole research.
C- Minimizing theoretical issues, but minimizing research history can make research more fruitful
D- Presenting reasoning, reasoning and presenting causal mechanisms to communicate causality.
E- Criticism and elimination of faulty causal relationships.

The purpose of writing this article is to present a critical model for criticizing social science books, so that by confronting it with the main pattern of research, it can help to research in social sciences. It is certain that our main pattern and criteria for comparison are not clear from criticism. What is important to us is to open the door for critical examination of social science works. Therefore, in this article, we will try to examine the most important damage of the conducted research. It should be noted that the pathological examination of this research does not mean ignoring the positive points of the research; but rather a critical assessment form rather than mere evaluation

Research in different disciplines of science is done in different ways and it is impossible to introduce a specific method that is applicable in all branches of science. However, the general principle of this research is in different disciplines that are more similar than they are together. in any form and in any field that is done; always subject to codified and logical instructions that assist scholars in doing their work Applying these guidelines enables them to evaluate the results and works of other research while gaining more confidence in the accuracy of the results of their work. According to this research, we have examined and criticized the scientific and research texts:
Criticism of the problem statement.
Theories criticism

Criticism of method.
Criticism of the findings.
Criticism of solutions and suggestions.
Formal and procedural criticism

The method of this article is a review and attempts to discover the damage done by using review and evaluation of works. The examined sample is 25 theses-books in the field of political sociology and political science, which were previously defended as a doctoral dissertation in Iranian universities. The selection of these cases is due to the fact that it is a doctoral dissertation in the field of Iranian political sociology, which was conducted in Iranian universities as a research and published as a book.

In the descriptive part of the study, it it is shown that% 28 of the produced works (theses-books) have formal problems (spelling, compositional and referential, etc.) in large and very high levels that make them difficult to read and study. Among the 25 investigated works, 16 theses-books lack the problem (%64). Among these works four works had a question; but they had no problem. It is interesting to note that 9 researchers (%36) did not follow up on their problem and question and abandoned it.
Eighteen researchers (%72) did not review the research background and 80% of them did not did not receive help from the background and history of the research in stating the problem. Most of these have methodological problems. %72 of theses-books have problems in establishing a causal relationship, % 76 of them have problems with data and data information, and they have the same amount of credit problem. Among the 25 reviewed works, 13 researches (52 percent) do not answer the problems and questions. The study shows that researchers have sought to confirm their theories rather than disprove them.
In the explanatory part, in the final analysis and analysis, the factors related to scientific problems and issues are as follows:
Discontinuities: Among the discontinuities raised in this article, the distance between the scholars’ educational and academic courses of the researchers, the university where the researcher's master's degree and doctorate studies are not the same, and the discontinuity between the subjects studied by the researcher have an effect on the damage of the research.
Type of university: research shows that the least academic problems and harms are related to studying in foreign universities and the most problems are related to studying in non-governmental universities.
Field of study: The research showed that the researchers of the field of study of political science have more problem statement, method and general problems than sociology.

In the intuitive and experimental understanding, it seems that the strength and weakness of the research results from the type of university and the type of study field and the interactive effect of the two. The research shows that the most research problems (methodological problems and statement of the problem) are among the PhD graduates of political science in non-government universities, and the least is related to the PhD in sociology in public universities. From the perspective of research problems, the published works of public universities are less problematic than non-governmental universities, and sociology is less problematic than political science. In the analysis and explanation of this case, it should be said that a student of political science spends 10 credits in research method until obtaining a doctorate; While a student of social sciences takes 24 units of research methods (not including practical work) until getting a doctorate. So; if this analysis is correct, the amount of methodological problems in the field of political science should be higher than in sociology, which confirms their reality.

The author of the article believes that by using the following strategies, it is possible to reduce the research damage and improve the research situation: A. Highlighting inconsistency, inconsistency, contradiction and mystery in the problem statement section. B. Calling and rereading the research record in the statement of the problem, research findings and the whole research. C. Minimizing the theoretical issues, however, minimizing the research history can make the research more fruitful. D. Providing reasoning, argumentation, and providing causal mechanisms to communicate causally. E. Criticism and elimination of faulty causal relationships.
In removing these harms from the research, it can be suggested that the researchers consider their persuasion and the readers of the book, whether the book's audience considers the researcher's claims and the researcher's arguments to be proven and correct or not? And will the reader be convinced by reading the book or not?

We are grateful to all those who assisted us in various ways for conducting the research.

Utilizing successful models of work value in different cultures that are compatible with our culture, will improve organizations. Non-governmental organizations were chosen because of their dynamics and Harandi neighborhood because of their importance and challenges. Adapting the field findings that were obtained through observation methods, in-depth and semi-structured interviews, as well as focus groups, with work values, which were obtained from documents, indicating the general work values such as individualism with some collectivist characteristics, idioceentric and competition. On the other hand, by comparing the work values of these organizations with the three intercultural models including the Eastern model, the Scandinavian model, and the American model, some characteristics such as the existence of inaccurate contracts, high power distance, Importance of seniority, Lack of competency criteria, Less emphasis on learning and organizational memory and the existence of cross-sectional cooperations, soulless hierarchical structure, Less emphasis on welfare, inability to reconcile traditional and modern values, rejection of the power distance, rejection of long-term plans, lack of a unified national system, and a sense of injustice especially entitle type among them were seen. Formation of an integrated management system that can increase the commonalities and also provide the individual interests of the organizations seems necessary.

Work values ​​include all the meanings and orientations of the organization, which are known as organizational identity with all symbolic and material elements. There is a lack of empirical investigation and presentation of the ideal type and comparison with transnational examples to take advantage of their positive points in Iran. First, we study the existing theoretical and empirical texts to create the ideal type of work value with two components: general and universal values and specific civilizational values. Then, we will put them to the test in the cooperation space of non-governmental organizations in Harandi neighborhood of Tehran, due to the dynamics of work values ​​in such organizations and their particular challenges in this neighborhood.

Holt (1997) investigated the entrepreneurial values ​​of 200 managers of public and private industrial companies in China and the United States and showed that Chinese managers are simply pragmatic, and selective in developing behaviors that reflect success, independence, choice and self-determination. Sanchez-burks & et al (2003) showed that job interns in China and Korea received more indirect messages than Americans, and this influence was mediated by independent personal interpretations. The results of Chou et al.'s research, which compared Chinese and American managers, indicate that Chinese managers shared less knowledge with other groups and this sharing was to the extent that it did not conflict with their collectivist values ​​and collective interests.

In the documentary section, by studying theoretical texts and previous researches, the essential dualities and the civilizational patterns of work values ​​were extracted. In the field section, using the obtained model and using observation techniques, in-depth interviews and focused groups with managers and members of NGOs, residents of Herandi neighborhoods, clients of NGOs and managers of government offices, we sought to recognize the recognized values ​​in the cooperative relations of NGOs in Harandi neighborhood of Tehran. Also, all the observations and the implemented text received from the interviews and focus groups were considered as the examined texts and thematic analysis was done.

 General work values ​​have been created to some extent in the investigated organizations. On the other hand, they act individualistically, However, at the same time, the high context culture has caused the duality of self/other to emerge in the relations between NGOs with each other and their beneficiaries, as well as the formation of "temporary cooperation" and "sustainable competition" between them. Therefore, considering that they are getting the most benefits for themselves, they can do co-opetition with each other only with the formation of an organized cooperation environment. To be more precise, it can be said that the essential dualities of the work values have found new meanings in the Iranian cultural context, So that sometimes relatively opposite elements such as "individualism" and "being high context culture" are placed next to each other.By matching the local-civilizational values ​​of work, it will be easier to understand these dualities, Because, as we said earlier, it is not necessarily possible to present a bipolar range of work values. By applying Eastern work values ​​and work values ​​that govern the cooperation space of NGOs in Harandi neighborhood of Tehran, we observed that the high context culture caused by collectivism has caused "inaccurate contracts". And on the other hand, the "lack of coordination" between NGOs has caused that despite the "high power distance" and "importance of seniority", the meaning of seniority is "interpretable" and each one should interpret it in her own favor and according to her own characteristics. The lack of training of members and the lack of organizational learning, or to be more precise, the "vacuum of organizational memory", has dealt a big blow to the cooperation space of the NGOs of Harandi neighborhood. So that they are not able to provide their information to each other to prevent parallel works, and also to transfer their knowledge and experiences to each other and the future generations. A flexible hierarchy can have positive functions for an organization, but as we said, due to the relative nature of the meaning of seniority, it is not possible to take advantage of the benefits of seniority and therefore the resulting helping other(degaryari). The senior members can, if necessary, make the less fortunate groups benefit from their resources or the more capable members, But due to the lack of a model for a flexible and efficient hierarchy, only " cross-sectional cooperations" (hamyari) are seen.
By comparing the Scandinavian work values ​​ and the ruling work values ​​of the NGOs of Harandi neighborhood, it was observed that The "feminineness of the culture" that shows itself in the flexibility of an organization, is only seen in some of them. NGOs in this neighborhood cannot "provide welfare" for themselves and their beneficiaries because they are still meeting their basic needs and competing with other organizations. The lack of balance between the basic principles of the organization and not observing them, and then, the lack of facing the current issues has caused these organizations to not be able to establish a link between "traditional and new values" in an organization; while the basic principles of an organization are still not in them, we cannot expect transformation and respect to the today issues. The important feature of the Scandinavian culture, which is in harmony with the Iranian culture, and specifically the cooperation space between NGOs, is "equality and individual progress at the same time". Therefore, the presumption of the stereotypical dual existence of collectivist/individualist organizations with all the attributes attributed to them in Iranian organizations is questioned. In other words, in planning for Iranian NGOs, the Iranian spirit, which is based on individualism and equality, should be taken into account.
It can be seen that the previous dualities, especially when we compare Iranian and American organizations, have found an Iranian definition; The attitude towards justice in these organizations is more about being entitles, which is more consistent with individualism. "Competitiveness" and "individualism" are common features of Iranian and American teams. The combination of these characteristics with "not accepting power" has caused long-term collective plans to not be formed and on the other hand, some negative characteristics such as lack of transparency and parallelism have emerged. Only with the formation of an "integrated system" that manages the management of all organizations, we can talk about the continuation of cooperative behavior. Such a system should increase the desire for "sensitivity towards justice" that is more compatible with the essence of a NGOs instead of being entitle.

Through the sharing of knowledge and organizational memory, specifying an agreed basis for the meaning of seniority, formulating transparent agreements and the like, it is possible to present the fields of creating co-competition, which is similar to traditional Iranian work values ​​such as cooperation(hamyari) and self-help(khodyari), among NGOs. They should especially be able to harmonize traditional features with organizational changes and flexibility. It seems that these goals can be achieved through the formation of a national integrated system, which includes the existing organizations and ensures their interests and able to implement the agreed and applicable organizational principles in them and prevent the interference and impositions of official organizations in their affairs.