فصلنامه مطالعات تاریخ اسلام
پیاپی 58 (پاییز 1402)

Abu Bakr Al-Turtushi, the Maliki jurist of the 6th century AH, in his Siraj al-Muluk, has put forward his theory about the ideal Islamic society and sovereignty, especially with regard to his conceptions of the Sunni society of Egypt during the transition era from the Ismaili Fatimids. This research has tried to recognize the role of each social class in al-Taurtushi's thought using desk study method, historical analysis and themic analysis methods, as well as benefiting from the model by Thomas Spragens for understanding crisis. Al-Turtushi took the formulation of the four classes of ancient Iran as his general framework; however, he made some changes in terms of content and function and tried to theoretically incorporate the situation of his own era, including the society during transition from the Fatimids in a new way. By empowering the class of Ulama (i.e. scholars), he placed them in the position of advisors to the rulers to help the authority of the Sunnis during the transition period. He also redefined the agents for the sake of efficiency of the government in a structured and task-oriented way. Moreover, by classifying Christian and Jewish religious minorities, he undermined their social authority for the benefit of the cohesion of the Sunni society.

The “Young Ottomans” were the first modernist thinkers and critics in Tanzimat era who sought to recognize the Ottomans Empire decline and used newspaper to express their thoughts and ideas. This paper examines and analyzes the causes of the decline of the Ottoman economy in Tanzimat era from the perspective of the Young Ottomans’ newspapers. The findings of the research show that the Young Ottomans considered the wrong policies of the statesmen of the Tanzimat era as the main reason for the decline of the Ottoman economy in this period and they demonstrated the manifestations of such policies in the context of foreign loans, tax system, trade agreements with western countries, railway development plan and implementation of western laws.

Ghariban (i.e. Foreigners) or Afaqians were mainly Shia immigrants who went to India from different places, especially Iran, and played an important role during the Nizam Shahi period in the Deccan. This research, using a descriptive-analytical approach and based on desk studies, seeks to find an answer to the question of what political status this group of immigrants had during the Nizam Shahi era and what causes or factors were involved in strengthening or weakening of their political and social position. The findings of the research indicate that in the first half of the ruling of this dynasty, the Ghariban had a high position and succeeded in being the origin of important political and cultural services in their host society, however, after weakening of the ruling body and increase in the competition of the Ghariban with the people of Deccan, their position became unstable and a large number of foreigners migrated to the neighboring countries. Although with the improvement of political conditions, some of them returned to Ahmednagar, but they could never attain their previous status.

The role and status of the Pashalik of Baghdad and the Baban Emirate in Iran-Ottoman relations has been mostly neglected. The Ottoman government established the Pashalik of Baghdad sometime after the Treaty of Zuhab (1049 AH/1639 AD). Baban Emirate had relative independence in the Kurdish regions of northern Iraq. For 214 years, from the Treaty of Zuhab to the Second Treaty of Erzurum (1263 AH/1847 AD), Iranian government faced three centers of power: İstanbul, Baghdad and Baban. During these two centuries, the western territory of Iran was exposed to various threats. In the present research, based on Iranian and Ottoman sources, and using the data-mining method and analytical-critical approach, the role and status of the Pashalik of Baghdad and the Baban Emirate in Iran-Ottoman relations has been elaborated. The findings of the research show that when Sultan Mahmud II came to power, a series of reforms began in the Ottoman government, which gradually led to the revival and increase of the influence and power of the Ottoman central government over its eastern provinces. By changing the power structure in Baghdad, the ground was paved for dismantling of Baban's Emirate. With Baghdad's victory over Baban, Iranian-Ottoman relations entered a new phase.

Undoubtedly, the background of the Mongols' attacks on different Territory and their massive massacres has usually associated the name of the Mongols in the minds of the people of the world since the same time (7th century A.H.) with attributes such as violence, cruelty and cruelty of heart. Perhaps this is the reason why sometimes the question arises in people's minds, whether they were characterized by such traits and had such behaviors in their families. By carefully studying and analyzing the sources of that period, it seems that the result was completely different, and in fact, the family had a very high value and prestige in the eyes of the Mongols. The noteworthy point is that according to the reports of sources and original texts, in addition to women, girls as a member of the family institution in Mongol tribes had a special position and dignity in the house and tribe. The main question of the current research is, why are we facing such an interesting phenomenon among those tribes,

The position of women and their roles in the political and social arenas is one of the criteria for evaluating the development of culture and civilization of societies. The position of women in Ghorian government and society was determined based on their social status and included "court and noble women", "urban middle-class women", "rural lower-class women" and "servant girls". Historical sources can provide little insight into the status of Ghor women. However, they were usually forced into marriages of convenience with rival governments. Middle- and lower-class women had little participation in society's activities. The main question of this research is what status did the women of different classes of Ghor enjoy in politics and society? The findings of the research, which is conducted using a descriptive-analytical approach, indicate that the women of the upper classes were involved in political and social orientations; however, the women of the middle and lower classes of the society were only influential in family matters.