فصلنامه پژوهش های راهبردی سیاست
پیاپی 47 (زمستان 1402)

 One of the most contentious issues in the realm of political science and governance revolves around defining the boundaries and scope of individual and social freedoms in the human society. Additionally, a significant intellectual concern among Islamic thinkers pertains to the extent to which individuals and civic groups can freely act in public domains, and where they must adhere to governmental laws and social requirements. The present study, employing the conceptual framework of hypothetical intuitionism, aimed to address the following question: What is the extent of political freedoms in Islamic society? Essentially, the objective of this article was to delineate the boundaries of individual and social freedoms in the Islamic society and state.

Literature Review:

Many articles have been dedicated to exploring the concepts of freedom and liberty within an Islamic state. The prime examples are: “Fundamentals and Principles of Free Thinking from an Islamic Perspective with an Emphasis on the Thoughts of Allameh Tabataba’i” by Hossamuddin Khaltabari, “Islamic State and Political Freedom in Islam from the Perspective of Allameh Mohammad Taqi Jafari” by Hossein Moin Abadi, “Thematic Analysis of Security and Freedom of Thought from the Perspective of Imam Khamenei” by Asghar Eftekhari, and “Review of the Definition of Freedom and Public Freedoms in the Islamic State” by Yaser Rustaee. However, none of these articles approached the topic within the framework of hypothetical intuitionism.

The present article adopted the methodology of hypothetical intuitionism. The term intuition is used here in its conventional philosophical sense, distinct from its popular interpretation in mystical discussions among Muslims. The study employed Rawls’s hypothetical intuitionism approach to construct a specific hypothetical condition which, based on the individual intuition, serves to provide a rational explanation for the research process and its ultimate outcome.

According to the Islamic perspective, the Islamic state upholds freedom of thought, research, expression, and even freedom of belief within scientific domains. However, the extent of freedom of propaganda and freedom of social action depends on considerations of public and national interests. Concerning freedom of political thought, there is an absolute freedom, meaning there are no imposed limitations on political thinking. Furthermore, individuals in scientific and specialized circles enjoy the freedom to express their views and research various political matters, enabling them to share their political perspectives with relevant experts. As individuals share their views and ideas with Muslim political thinkers, a space is created for the exchange of differing opinions and ideas. In addition, freedom of belief indicates that individuals cannot be compelled to adopt a specific political ideology or belief through the use of force or coercion. When individuals decide to disseminate their political ideas in the public sphere, the Islamic state has a responsibility to intervene, considering the significance and potential impact of the issue, in order to prevent the proliferation of harmful and erroneous political ideas. Concerning freedom of speech, it is essential to underline that when political discourse extends beyond scientific and specialized circles and permeates public sphere at large, it falls under the category of freedom of propaganda, encompassing media activities of political movements. In this respect, in order to prevent the manipulation of public opinion, address rumors, and counter the spread of fake news, the government sets some parameters that these movements have to adhere to when conducting media and public activities. For example, it becomes necessary to adhere to certain legal provisions and obtain official permits for publishing a newspaper. In situations where the impact of expression holds greater sensitivity, the response from the Islamic state naturally becomes more robust and prominent. Within the Islamic state, if an individual privately and discreetly engages in activities that oppose the principles and policies of the political system, the government does not have the right to conduct surveillance of the private sphere. However, should the activities against Islamic principles come to the government’s attention, it is incumbent upon the governance system to offer guidance through enjoining good and forbidding evil. Nevertheless, when an individual’s actions and behavior pose a significant and serious threat to the political stability and security, the state resorts to more stringent measures, which in turn may involve restricting some of the individual freedoms of the wrongdoer.

Distribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the level of support for the political system. Following the Revolution, the Islamic Republic embarked on a mission to narrow the class gap across various strata of society by adopting distribution and redistribution policies with the ultimate aim of realizing justice. The Iranian political system thus adopted a proactive stance and function regarding distribution and redistribution, commencing with land reforms at the onset of the Islamic Revolution and progressing through various policy initiatives over the span of four decades. While the impact of the distribution and redistribution policies can be objectively assessed through statistical data and indicators, it is equally crucial to take into account people’s subjective perceptions of such policies. This subjective perception often carries substantial weight, sometimes even outweighing the tangible outcomes of policies, significantly influencing the political behavior of individuals within society. In this respect, the present research tried to address the degree of success of the post-Revolution distribution and redistribution policies, and their impact on people’s political action.

Literature Review:

Mehrgan and Ezzati (2008) delved into the impact of various factors, including taxes, per capita income, literacy levels, unemployment, and inflation rates, on citizens’ political participation. The findings revealed that inflation and unemployment significantly reduced electoral participation in the provinces. Conversely, higher levels of literacy and per capita income were associated with increased political engagement of citizens. Saboktakin et al. (2015) concluded that a substantial 99% correlation exists between social and political participation, with a 53% correlation observed for political satisfaction and an 18% correlation for social satisfaction. Furthermore, there is a significant relationship between the socio-economic base and political participation. The results of the regression analysis indicated that among these three variables, political satisfaction had the most significant impact on participation, while social satisfaction had the least impact on social and political participation. Analyzing the economic redistribution policies, Hatami (2012) demonstrated that during the 9th and 10th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, there existed a set of peripheral economic policies, such as Justice Shares (Saham-e Edalat), Mehr Housing Plan, and targeted subsidies. These policies interacted with the broader social and electoral context, leading to a complex reciprocal relationship. As a result, Hatami identified two distinct syndromes in the redistribution policies of the governments. The first syndrome pertained to how the peripheral policies of the government exacerbated the conflict between the center and periphery and turned invisible economic conflicts into socially determining issues. The second syndrome involved the interplay between class aspects of the government and its political ramifications. Instead of the government acting as a party to these conflicts and as an agent in class conflicts, it should play the role of a neutral arbitrator and mediator in resolving class conflicts. This suggests that the government should work towards enhancing its public image and role in this regard.

The present research adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and a documentary method. The study aimed to propose a theoretical framework by adapting the systems theories of Almond and Powell as well as Robert Merton’s theory.

Both statistical data and public perception of policy outcomes showed that these policies and institutions exhibited relative inefficiency during the period from 2011 to 2020, leading to exacerbating the existing inequalities and fostering a perception of injustice. Additionally, people’s assessment of the economic situation underscores the inefficiency of such policies, particularly evident in the feedback loop within the system. It is worth noting that a key indicator of support for a political system, particularly in electoral systems, is the level of political participation. An increase in political participation signifies the effective functioning of the political system, while a decline serves as a warning to the political system, indicating diminishing support. A comparative analysis of the outcomes of distribution and redistribution policies, coupled with the levels of political apathy and the participation rate from 2011 to 2020, clearly revealed a significant connection between the effectiveness of resource (re)distribution and the electoral participation rate as an indicator of the level of support for the political system. The inefficiency of these policies and institutions has grown increasingly conspicuous, exacerbating economic and social inequalities and fostering a prevailing sense of political apathy and hopelessness among the citizens. This factor can be considered one of the root causes contributing to the declining participation rates in both presidential and parliamentary elections.

In the post-Cold War era, the international system continues to undergo a state of transition. In the emerging geopolitical landscape, the West Asia, and specifically the Persian Gulf region, occupies a unique role in the policy of major powers (e.g., the USA and China), thanks to its special geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic significance, alongside its stable oil and gas reserves. China, as a growing East Asian country, has increasingly directed its focus towards strategic regions, such as the Persian Gulf, in recent decades. This shift is driven by China’s growing need to maximize its increasing power. China’s critical need for fossil resources has been a primary driver compelling the Chinese political elite to consider the Persian Gulf as a pivotal region in their foreign policy. To be more specific, since the late 1980s, China has been reliant on oil imports to sustain its economic growth and move up the global power hierarchy. This fundamental issue has, in turn, prompted Beijing to adopt a pragmatic and non-ideological perspective to consider closer collaboration with major energy actors such as the Islamic Republic of Iran (in opposition to Washington) and Saudi Arabia (in alignment with Washington). Relying on a descriptive–analytical approach, the present study endeavored to address the questions of what role China assumes in the economic and political future of the Persian Gulf region, and how it can impact Iran’s national interests.

Literature Review:

 In “China–Iran Relations Through the Prism of Sanctions,” Scita (2022) explains how China has dealt with the sanctions imposed on Iran. Scita not only delves into Beijing’s response and approach to the imposed sanctions, but also assesses the extent to which China complies with the these sanctions. The author notably argues that China–Iran relations are influenced by their relations with the US as well as their status in the international arena. In their article titled “Iran, China and the Persian Gulf: An Unfolding Engagement,” Shariatinia and Kermani (2022) address the question of how Iran views China’s growing involvement in the Persian Gulf region, particularly in light of China’s strong ties with Iran’s primary regional competitors.

Neoclassical realists posit that a country’s ambitions are primarily shaped by the capabilities of its government in the realm of foreign policy, as well as by its position in the international system. They contend that a government’s relative capability in mobilizing domestic resources forms the basis for formulating a balanced strategy in the international scene. In this light, it can be observed that conditions are indeed conducive to China’s economic growth and realization of its potential, owing to the recent significant changes in China’s foreign and domestic policies and the ensuing normalization of relations between this growing Asian country and the capitalist West. China’s vast geographic expanse, a population numbering in billions, the young and large workforce, and efficient management, have enabled China to achieve rapid and substantial economic growth. For over four decades, China has consistently maintained remarkable economic growth, averaging around 8%. However, to sustain the economic growth, China needs access to foreign markets, cheap and abundant raw materials, and notably, energy resources. Focusing on a country’s domestic capacitates and the structure of the international system (i.e., possibilities and limitations), the theory of neoclassical realism can explain the overt and covert competition between Washington and Beijing in the Persian Gulf.

The analysis revealed two scenarios about China’s presence in the Persian Gulf and its impact on Iran. The first scenario pertains to the maintenance of the status quo. In this case, the USA would continue its presence in the Persian Gulf region. If the Arab nations in the Persian Gulf trust the American presence and the alliance commitments, and the US exerts more pressure on its regional partners, it is conceivable that strategic industrial cooperation with China may be halted somehow without further progress. The second scenario revolves around the decline of the US presence in West Asia, including the Persian Gulf region. This essentially signifies the dominance of the Great Power Competition doctrine and the strategic prioritization of the Indo–Pacific region, specifically China, in American foreign policy.

What is particularly noteworthy here is the fact that the nature of the strategic relations between China and the countries in the Persian Gulf has not only placed the US in a strategic quandary in the region but has also significantly influenced Tehran–Beijing relations. Not solely relying on Iran to achieve all its regional objectives, China has tried to diversify and deepen its relations with the Arab countries in the region in order to diversify its energy supply sources. However, this approach does not imply ignoring Iran. China, given its strategic stance, has consistently aimed to maintain the most positive relations possible with Tehran, albeit at a more limited level. The findings point to the conclusion that China’s approach to the Persian Gulf region should not be viewed solely in terms of the energy economy and cooperation in the energy sector. It is also essential to analyze its implications within the context of regional security and solidarity. In fact, the Persian Gulf is recognized both as a focal point for global energy production and distribution, and one of the most unstable parts of the world.

In humanities, especially within the field of international relations, the application of theory to the analysis of events or phenomena in foreign policy and the international system is widely recognized as a salient approach. The application of theories allows us to gain a more profound understanding of the actions and reactions of countries’ foreign policies in the international system. In this line, the present study aimed to develop a model to gain a better understanding of Iran–China relations. The research sought a clearer insight into Iran–China comprehensive strategic partnership by employing a set of theories at the levels of international system, foreign policy, and domestic scene of policy formulation and decision-making. At the level of international system, it is necessary to consider the convergence between Iran and China in the context of US-led Western hegemony and counter-hegemony. At the level of foreign policy, it is crucial to consider cognitive approaches in foreign policy analysis. At the domestic level, one must take into account Iran’s prevailing economic circumstances and its challenges stemming from the US- imposed sanctions, which have prompted the Look to the East policy. China also seeks to export the surplus of its production and advance the Chinese model through partnerships. Delving into these issues, the present article investigated both theoretical considerations as well as various dimensions of Iran–China relations in practice.

Literature Review:

Rekabian et al. (2021) assert that Iran and China have actively pursued closer cooperation in regional and international organizations as a countermeasure against Western interventions. Shafiei (2022) posits that China’s comprehensive strategic partnership with Iran is primarily motivated by its own strategic objectives, while Iran engages extensively with China out of its specific needs and requirements. Corneliussen (2020) suggests that the Iran–China agreement has the potential to reshape the strategic and geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East. Figueroa (2022) highlights that Western sanctions stand as the primary hurdle to the realization of the 25-Year Iran–China Agreement and the enhancement of economic ties between the two countries. Scita (2022) argues that Washington is actively attempting to manage the contradictions arising from these roles through continuous mediation efforts. According to Loft et al. (2022), China is actively pursuing control over critical technological and industrial sectors, essential infrastructure, strategic resources, and supply chains.

The present study used a descriptive method to offer an analysis of Iran–China partnership.

The approach taken by Iran and China in establishing their comprehensive strategic partnership can be seen as a form of convergence between the two countries. China, in particular, seeks to advance its own strategic goals through these partnerships. It is also important to recognize that there are shared identity constructs between Iran and China, which can be characterized as the power of ideas evolving within the realist framework in the international system. In addition, this partnership has emerged from a nuanced understanding and recognition of the geopolitical landscape, especially within the context of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran is pursuing its first significant international partnership and agreement in the last century. Beyond addressing domestic needs and fulfilling economic, political, and military requirements, the Iran–China agreement is rooted in a strategic grasp of counter-hegemony as a pivotal factor in forging such agreements.

To gain a deeper insight into the Iran-China comprehensive strategic partnership, it is essential to explore various aspects and variables, ranging from domestic factors to the perceptions of their leaders, decision-makers, and policymakers, and to the dynamics of the international system. Comprehending and recognizing the positions held by the leaders of both nations within the international arena can facilitate the identification of national interests, commonalities, differences, and potential conflicts. Therefore, to enhance our understanding of the comprehensive strategic partnership between Iran and China requires an analysis of both domestic and foreign factors and variables. This approach offers valuable insights into the rationale and strategies that underlie the Iran-China partnership. The partnership is shaped not only by domestic and international circumstances but also by the perceptions of decision-makers and authorities in each country. Moreover, the resistance to a third party, such as the US, can exert a significant influence. All of these factors lead to a realist perspective in the international arena, which can contribute to more informed and effective decision-making processes for both countries involved in the comprehensive strategic partnership.

Political corruption is one of the crucial concerns in today’s political landscape that has captured the attention of researchers. Political corruption refers to the breach of public norms by those in political power, either to further personal interests or to protect group interests. It entails the manipulation of political institutions and internal regulations, thereby impacting government bodies and the overall political system. Consequently, political corruption is often anticipated to result in institutional deterioration. However, since the 1980s, globalization has influenced the way through which categories of modern politics, including political corruption, are addressed. In the context of globalization, the examination of political corruption transcends the confines of the nation–state and should be viewed as a global concern.

Literature Review:

A review of primary studies concerning the impact of globalization on political corruption reveals a spectrum of pessimistic and optimistic opinions among scholars. Optimists argue that globalization diminishes political corruption, while pessimists contend that it, in fact, increases political corruption. However, recent research indicates that the discrepancy between these viewpoints stems from their differing understandings of the relationship between globalization and political corruption. By adhering to a linear approach, both groups attempt to find the relationship between these variables, and consequently prescribe or discourage further engagement with globalization to exploit opportunities and avoid threats. To resolve this discrepancy, new studies, adopting a non-linear approach, posit that social and political globalization serves as a significant precursor to corruption. Economic globalization is perceived as both a prelude to and a consequence of varying levels of corruption.

As a quantitative research, the present study employed regression analysis as a highly practical quantitative method. Specifically, it utilized polynomial regression, which is supported by recent studies as well as by the secondary data sourced from the V-Dem Institute and the KOF Swiss Economic Institute.

According to the regression analysis, the normative nature of political corruption necessitates a redefinition of public and private interests at both the societal and governmental elite levels if the aim is to enhance the social dimension of globalization. The coefficient of the political dimension indicated that increased globalization can lead to a reduction in political corruption as global pressures compel the country to undertake structural and institutional reforms, including safeguarding property rights, enhancing transparency in decision-making processes, and improving the quality of public services. However, the results showed that there is no linear relationship between economic dimension of globalization and political corruption. Instead, the economic dimension influences the impact of other dimensions on political corruption in a non-linear, curved manner. As this dimension increases, political corruption decreases up to a certain point, but beyond that threshold, corruption levels begin to rise.One of the ideals and goals that emerged during the formation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran was the fight against the political corruption that had been rampant during the Pahlavi era, which required a revolutionary change as the only means to eliminate corruption. However, following the success of the Revolution, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran inherited a political, governance, and administrative system that later fell into the depths of various forms of corruption. The present research aimed to address a fundamental question: What is the impact of Iran’s engagement with globalization on the level of political corruption in the country? The necessity of conducting such studies arises from the importance of understanding the effect of globalization on various political issues with the ultimate aim of leveraging the benefits and avoiding the threats. Considering Iran’s economic structure, the system of international sanctions against Iran, and the normative nature of political corruption, it is expected that the various dimensions of globalization may have a detrimental impact on political corruption in Iran.

In conclusion, given the concurrent influence of different dimensions of globalization on political issues, policymakers are recommended to follow a non-linear approach to leverage the opportunities and avoid the threats of globalization.

Introduction :

 Analyzing international relations (IR) theories reveals that non-Western theories are yet to fully materialize. Some scholars argue that a significant impediment to the recognition of non-Western IR theories is the pervasive influence of the US in the field of IR. They point to the extensive body of IR articles, books, and theories generated by American academic institutions and scholarly communities as a compelling base for their claim. Despite its European origins, the field of IR is argued to have matured and thrived in the US, hence an American social science. In this respect, researchers worldwide have embarked on various studies to assess the impact of American IR on the development of IR science and theory. Some IR scholars posit that the US hegemony following World War II has further entrenched the profound influence of American IR within the scholarly domain of IR. They argue that the US foreign policy in the bipolar world order, due to the US extensive involvement in pivotal international events, has become an inseparable aspect of IR studies. The crux of the argument lies in the fact that IR researchers select their objects of analysis by considering international events and influential factors. In this context, the US has played a central role in virtually all significant international events for approximately a century. Consequently, IR researchers tend to examine international events in line with the influential role of US foreign policy as a crucial variable.

Literature Review:

Assessing the approach of IR scholarship is a conventional method to understand the intra-disciplinary and extra-disciplinary factors shaping the discipline of IR. Concerning the explanations provided for the limited success of non-mainstream theorizing, scholars have consistently underscored the influence of US political domination on IR literature and theorization, leading to an academic hegemony characterized by the center–periphery dynamic. In light of these considerations, the extent of American influence on shaping academic scholarship in a given country is a recognized object of analysis, which can shed light on the status of IR discipline in the local and national contexts. Regrettably, the topic has not been examined in the Iranian scientific literature, except the author’s individual research titled “Research Approaches of Iranian International Relations Articles: A Review of Scientific Research Articles Published in 2021." The findings of this research helped discern the strong influence of US foreign policy on Iranian IR scholarship, notably in the selection of research topics and the research process.

The current research employed a random selection process and a specific software to choose 500 Persian articles from Iranian journals in the field of IR and political science, spanning from March 2019 to March 2022. The primary focus was to analyze the journal articles with regard to their being influenced by US foreign policy. Grounded theory was used as the research method, yet it is important to note that the aim was not to formulate a specific theory but to test the claim and present a confirmed proposition in light of the research findings. Actually, this method was used to gather information and align it with existing propositions and claims. The reliability of this research was ensured thanks to the systematic inductive process, which allows for an unbiased examination of the research proposition.

The findings revealed that Iranian IR researchers predominantly adhere to the framework of mainstream IR theories and exhibit limited inclination towards critical theories or globalized international relations theories. Notably, for every three Iranian articles on IR, one article was found to be focused on US foreign policy as a significant variable. There was the initially speculation that the substantial volume of articles on US foreign policy were attributed to the longstanding tense relations Iran and America over the past four decades. However, upon closer examination, it became apparent that only a limited number of these articles were directly related to Iran-US relations, and most of them were predominantly centered around Iran’s nuclear issue. A significant number of the journal articles had delved into US foreign policy in various world regions. For instance, for Iranian scholars of IR, US foreign policy is an important independent variable in the analysis of topics related to Iraq, ISIS, Afghanistan, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Israel. An evaluative analysis revealed that Iranian IR researchers tend to hold a pessimistic outlook on the performance of American foreign policy, which is closely aligned with the official foreign policy stance of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The prevailing opinion among Iranian IR scholars is that the active presence of America in international events is not motivated by humanitarian objectives. They contend that US decisions such as the military occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan, the military presence in the Persian Gulf, or the provision of American aid to Israel are devoid of genuine humanitarian goals. Instead, they view American intervention as a source of instability in the international order and a disruptive factor of global peace. The pessimistic perspectives put forth by the majority of Iranian IR researchers echoes what is often termed as Kissinger Syndrome.

The analysis of 500 articles led to several noteworthy conclusions. First, Iranian IR scholars tend to follow the mainstream IR theorizing, demonstrating a distinct separation from critical schools of thought. Second, Iranian IR does not seek to localize IR ideas or enrich its perspectives in line with global IR. Third, Iranian scholarship is critical of the US international role and perceives it as a disruptive factor of regional and global stability and peace, despite the US declared humanitarian foreign policy. Fourth, Iranian IR research focuses on US foreign policy as an independent variable, which can be attributed to America’s extensive involvement in regional and global crises. Finally, while Iranian IR scholarship dedicates itself to issues of significant relevance to the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it often overlooks the performance and impact of Iran’s foreign policy in these areas. Instead, it approaches the relevant issues from the perspective of other variables.

Introduction :

 The information revolution has significantly altered the nature of power by enhancing the capacity of soft power and reshaping the very foundations of power structures. In the past, leaders and politicians were the primary figures to determine national interests in each nation, but in the digital age, the Internet and social networks have functioned to eliminate the mediatorship, leading to the highlighted role of the individual, the emergence of public opinions, and distribution of power from the government to people and other key actors. Today, power derived from public opinions is considered by political actors as a potent instrument for accomplishing political objectives.Iran’s Twenty-Year Vision Document, looking ahead to 2025, outlines a comprehensive objective of the Islamic Republic of Iran as to attain a preeminent economic and technological position in the region while preserving its Islamic and revolutionary identity, being a source of inspiration in the Islamic world, and engaging in a constructive interaction in international relations. To secure the top economic position in the region and an influential position in the international arena, it is imperative to leverage the capabilities of the country’s diplomatic apparatus. Diplomacy serves as the executive arm of foreign policy within the framework of a country’s foreign policy doctrine. To thrive in the evolving global landscape requires possessing modern tools since the shifting global landscape demands novel tools and approaches. In today’s world, powerful governments employ soft power instruments to influence and sway societies.Diplomacy stands as one of the most critical tools for advancing a country’s national power and achieving its objectives. Leading governments have embraced digital diplomacy as a means to bolster their national brand and effectively manage their public image, thus reaching vast audiences. In the contemporary age of communication, a formidable presence on the global stage necessitates the strategic implementation of digital diplomacy, positioning it at the forefront ofa country’s public diplomacy initiatives. In this respect, the present research aimed to recognize the role of digital diplomacy as a pivotalpower-building instrument, and to incorporate it into Iran’s strategic planning.This research intended to offer a full-brown description of digital diplomacy by delving into the power-building factors of modern media. The objective was to formulate effective strategies that enhance the digital diplomacy initiatives of the Islamic Republic of Iran, thereby strengthening Iran’s influential presence in global politics and increasing Iran’s soft power as an important dimension of power. The research tried to address the pivotal question concerning the role modern media can assume within a country’s diplomatic apparatus. This would involve understanding how media can contribute to advancing national interests and bolstering a country’s influence and authority in the international arena. This research also sought to propose key indicators and strategies for advancing Iran’s digital diplomacy initiatives.

Literature Review:

Numerous case studies and comparative analyses have explored digital diplomacy, underscoring the significant impact of social media in international diplomacy. However, despite the close interconnection of technology, diplomacy, and soft power, there is a lack of research that systematically situates these three domains within a theoretical framework and examines international relations theories by considering the role of modern media on the power-building capacity of diplomacy.In the article titled “Shaping Public Diplomacy through Social Media Networks in the 21st Century,” Costa (2017) posits that the Internet and information and communication technology have significantly influenced the definition and performance of public diplomacy. In “Foreign Policy in an Era of Digital Diplomacy,”Adesina (2017) draws the conclusion that digital diplomacy and internet-based activities play a vital role in effectively communicating a government’s foreign policy stances to both domestic and international audiences.  In the article titled “Twitplomacy: Social Media as a New Platform for Development of Public Diplomacy,” Su (2015) argues that the impact of Internet users on the diplomatic agenda can complement political concepts. Considering the role of social media in the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ameli (2017) asserts that emerging social media technologies will play a central role in diplomacy by influencing social space.Ganjidoust (2008) focuses on the profound impact of information and communication technology in the field of diplomacy. The author contends that diplomacy has experienced greater influence from technological advancements compared to other domains, primarily because of its heavy reliance on the fundamental components of information and communication. According to Ganjidoust, the developments of the information age have brought about significant transformations in both the form and substance of diplomacy.

The Delphi technique was employed for identifying indicators, while the Dimetal technique was utilized for modeling. The study used Partial Least Squares technique to test the exploratory model and analyze the reciprocal influence between variables.

The findings revealed that modern media plays a pivotal role as a complete mediator in the transfer of power to diplomacy. Through online communication, new media platforms foster interaction and networking among users. They employ activism, imagery, and psychological operations to craft their desired narrative, thus reinforce user engagement and convergence through orienting and streamlining, Ultimately, by fostering a sense of belonging, they establish identity and create opportunities within the system of diplomacy.To succeed in public diplomacy, particularly in the realm of digital diplomacy, requires a comprehensive strategy encompassing strategic goals, strategic priorities, and executive guidelines to attain the strategic goals. Concerning the Islamic Republic of Iran, the strategic goals are as follows: Making a powerful image of Iran, national branding of Iranian–Islamic identity, informing people about the policies, beliefs, and values of Iranians, and introducing opportunities and strengths. The strategic priorities of the digital diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran include Interacting with citizens and foreign populations to foster and enhance mutual relations, providing transparent information and swift responses to counter misinformation, combating online hooliganism, presenting leadership guidelines, and engaging in social listening and social monitoring. Without a thorough analysis and practical solutions to this question, it is not possible to address the needs of audience satisfactorily. The assessment of attitudes, questions, and challenges is the most critical aspect which guides the subsequent actions. Concerning interaction, it is recommended to interact with influencers, as well as political, religious, cultural, and national figures, to clarify ambiguities and foster constructive dialogues through the dissemination of pre-prepared images, messages, and video clips. Moreover, regular evaluation of the outcomes on the basis of a theory of structures and processes can help ensure the effectiveness of digital diplomacy and coordination.

The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the largest countries that accommodates Afghan immigrants. However, the Iranian government lacks a unified and national policy towards accommodating immigrants.  Initially, the government pursued an open-door policy towards immigration, but after a decade it shifted its stance towards limitations, repatriation, and even deportation of immigrants. It appeared as if the government was identifying individuals who should be removed from Iran. It would be beneficial to integrate ideas and resources from a variety of academic disciplines and fields of study to gain a deeper insight into the broader dynamics of how immigrant groups are perceived as others in Iran. By concentrating on this level of analysis, policymakers can better comprehend how the overarching social structures and phenomena impact individual attitudes and identities. Likewise, this approach allows for an understanding of how people’s attitudes and identities, in turn, affect social structures. In this respect, the primary question of the present study is: What mechanisms are at play in the process of labeling immigrants as others, according to the Iranian political science experts and political sociologists?

Literature Review:

In general, when discussing the dynamics between immigrants (referred to as newcomers) and the host population (the dominant group), the concept of other is commonly employed, specifically in reference to newcomers. The presence of a national identity implies the existence of other groups, nations, or individuals that are not part of the host group, prompting group members to emphasize their distinctiveness.The specific concept of nation–state leads to the formulation of specific immigration policies and strategies for integrating minority groups within host societies. Based on this assumption, several major integration models have been proposed. First, the model of assimilation, which does not grant special rights to minorities, primarily intends to fully integrate all immigrants into the society and foster the development of a homogeneous society.The second is a pluralistic model known as multiculturalism, which operates on the premise that successful integration is ensured if the public tolerates the plural identities of minorities and immigrants and recognizes their unique needs.This model manifests itself in two primary forms. In the United States, cultural diversity and ethnic communities are officially recognized, but the government does not actively play a role in enforcing social justice or supporting the preservation of ethnic cultures.The second variant of multiculturalism is a matter of public policy, in which efforts are made to promote integration and eliminate the barriers that immigrants might encounter in the host societies, thereby erasing the otherness they may experience. The third model is the differentiation approach, which is distinct from integration and instead emphasizes the differences between the native population and immigrants. The primary objective of this model is not to facilitate the integration of future immigrants into the host society but rather to isolate them. The differentiation model perceives immigrants as foreign and temporary components of society, rather than as a permanent and inseparable part.According to this model, minorities may face poor employment conditions, low income, and high poverty rates. Such conditions can result in densely populated, low-income areas and increased residential segregation. In this context, the presence of isolated and marginalized communities is seen as evidence of a lack of integration that poses a threat to the target society.

The study used a qualitative approach and thematic analysis. The  target population of the study comprised professors of sociology and political science at four universities in Tehran, namely the University of Tehran, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Kharazmi University, and the Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies. The purposive sampling was used to select the participants who had authored a book, article, or research project. Data collection was conducted through semi-structured interviews, involving ten professors to address the research question. The interviews continued until data saturation was reached. After conducting seven interviews, data repletion became apparent, but an additional three participants were interviewed to ensure data saturation. The collected interview data was manually analyzed following Braun and Clarke’s thematic analysis method in three key steps: 1) Generating and categorizing similar codes, 2) identifying sub-themes, and 3) Identifying main themes. Feedback from the respondents was sought to validate the research quality. Furthermore, to avoid misinterpretation, an independent reviewer was asked to evaluate the codes derived from the data.

The data gathered from the interviews revealed various othering mechanisms. These encompassed the main themes of economic, cultural, and legal mechanisms. The economic mechanisms included the sub-theme of the exploitation of migrant labor force. The cultural mechanisms included social stigma, cultural stigma, and the neglect of immigrants' cultural capital as sub-themes. Finally, the legal mechanisms were comprised of three sub-themes: the deprivation of bank card access, the denial of health insurance services, and the restriction of access to driving licenses.

According to the findings, one of the primary mechanisms for categorizing immigrants as others is the exploitation of migrant labor force, which is a component of the economic mechanisms. It appears that the vulnerability of the migrant labor force is deeply rooted in the long-term changes in Iran’s political economy. These changes have gradually resulted in the weakening of government support for the immigrant working class on one hand, and the normalization of using cheap labor to meet the needs of employers as a legitimate goal of neoliberal capitalist development, on the other hand.The cultural mechanisms of othering involved criminalizing immigrants through the use of social stigmas. Immigrants are frequently portrayed and blamed as the cause of increased crime and order-related challenges in the cities. Furthermore, immigrants are sometimes perceived as threats to national security.Another mechanism used to label immigrants as others is portraying them as inferior through the cultural stigma often referred to as Hazareh. Given the fact the residents of Hazareh have endured centuries of persecution by various Afghan groups due to their ethnicity and religion, this kind of labeling further subjects them to the double otherness. Neglecting immigrants’ cultural capital constitutes another mechanism for cultural alienation. Neglecting the cultural capital leads to the disregard of other forms of capital, such as economic and symbolic capital, ultimately hindering the integration of immigrants into the host society.The interviewees expressed the belief that various aspects of the law contribute to the alienation of immigrants. Since most Afghan immigrants are seeking better economic opportunities in Iran, financial services play a significant role in achieving their goal during their stay in Iran. However, their legal status has led to the exclusion of many immigrants from the formal, mainstream financial sector. Consequently, they are compelled to turn to alternative services offered in the informal sector. Moreover, due to their restricted legal status, most immigrants are unable to access any insurance services. In general, the prevailing cultural climate in Iran, coupled with legal constraints and the shortcomings in policy formulation, has contributed to the immigrant other and hindered the integration of immigrants into Iranian society.