نشریه مطالعات خاورمیانه
سال سی و یکم شماره 1 (پیاپی 115، بهار 1403)

Eastern Mediterranean has gained strategic importance due to the discovery of large energy reserves, especially gas. The discovery of gas reserves in the coastal waters close to the occupied territories, Lebanon and of course Gaza and the existence of common gas fields have caused an increase in tension, especially since Israel intends to attack the common gas fields after the full exploitation of the gas fields in its possession. To supply gas to Europe with Lebanon and Gaza by building a pipeline and via Cyprus, Greece and Italy. Such an action, of course, in addition to increasing tensions with Lebanon and Palestine, since it will be a competitor of Russia and Turkey, can lead to important gas conflicts in the world. In 2019, in order to reduce tension and establish coordination among the interested countries in the Eastern Mediterranean, an official regional organization was established under the title "Eastern Mediterranean Gas Complex". This organization has 7 members and its secretariat is in Cairo. The member countries are Egypt, Cyprus, Greece, Israel, Palestine, Italy and Jordan. The United States and the European Union are observer members, and France is requesting full membership. Of course, some members are members of this forum from the perspective of gas transit. Syria, Lebanon, Türkiye and Libya are important stakeholders who are not present in this forum. The current situation indicates that the future of this organization depends on the geo-economic situation of gas in the region and the world, and if the price of gas rises, a fierce competition will begin between the main gas producers, namely America, Russia, Qatar and of course Iran.

The New Silk Road, also known as the Belt and Road Initiative, stands as a powerful manifestation of China's influence extending beyond its borders. This initiative originated as a response to China's need to counter the encirclement resulting from America's pivot to Asia strategy and address internal developmental imbalances by tapping into new markets through its geo-economic prowess. In the context of the evolving global order, the New Silk Road holds immense significance as a determinant of power dynamics. This article explores the fundamental question of how the competition between the United States and China in the Arab Middle East impacts the international power structure. Adopting a process-tracing approach and focusing on the geopolitical dimensions of the initiative, the article examines the strategic shifts towards the West from both American and Chinese perspectives in the establishment of the New Silk Road. Additionally, it delves into the crucial trend of "leaving the belt, putting the road under pressure," providing detailed analysis, and assessing its consequences on the global competition between the two nations. Ultimately, the article concludes that while Beijing's endeavor to launch and advance the New Silk Road may appear as a geo-economic competition on the surface, a deeper examination reveals a geopolitical battle between China and the United States for global dominance in the 21st century.

The signing of the comprehensive strategic agreement between Iran and China in 2021 marked a new direction in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This policy gained further momentum with the arrival of the 13th government. The agreement raises important issues, particularly the collaboration between China and Iran in the context of the Belt and Road infrastructure project, introduced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013. This initiative encompasses six distinct land routes, with the China-Pakistan Economic Belt being the most significant. This corridor links Kashgar in western China to Gwadar in southern Pakistan. A potential means of integrating Iran into the expansive infrastructure project of the Belt and Road involves joining the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. As a result, this article aims to explore Pakistan's collaboration with China, examining various facets of the current corridor's development and elucidating its impact on the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

This article analyzes the domestic and international roots of the Oman's position in China's Middle East foreign policy. China considers Oman as one of the most important Middle Eastern countries that supplies energy to Beijing. Based on the neoclassical realist point of view, China's expanding relations with Oman are influenced by system-level variables and domestic factors. At the system level, the competition between China and The United States is one of the most significant factors has impacted on the China's Middle East foreign policy. The decline of the US presence in the Middle East region, as well as China's economic growth which requires access to energy resources and markets, and the protection of Beijing's strategic interests, has made Oman's position in China's Middle East policy prominent. At the same time, at the domestic level, internal factors influenced by the Chinese worldview have formed China's Middle East policy regarding Oman. Oman, with its strategic geographical location and a history of collaborative relations, has emerged as a key partner for China in the Middle East. Serving as a crucial link in China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative, Oman facilitates the connection between Asia, Europe, and Africa through various infrastructure projects and investments.

China's Middle East policy at the intersection of regional interests and global power rivals is highly dependent on the benefits and costs of strategic competition of regional actors, especially Iran and Saudi Arabia. When it comes to China's Middle East policies, it is referred to as an opportunistic actor who has almost no political or security investment in this region and enjoys the peace that the United States and Europe have brought without challenge to advance its policies. Interestingly, this vision of economic interests is the core of China's developmental peace in the Middle East. However, China's mediation in the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been considered a turning point in entering the regional dynamics of the Middle East. Therefore, this paper tries to answer how China, which has been a marginal actor in regional political and geopolitical affairs, participates in regional interactions. And what effect does it have on the regional order? The main argument, relying on the network approach, is that China's entry into regional power dynamics through initiatives such as global security initiatives and constructive intervention diplomacy will cause the power to leave the bilateral to the network state. The research findings based on the explanation method show that to understand the dynamics and complexity of the Middle East regional environment, we must change the view of world politics from "chessboard" to "network" to find suitable analytical tools to improve the position of units in the networked world.

China pursues its economic, cultural, and political opportunities with a multidimensional approach in West Asia as one of the centers of power and wealth. China's effective presence in West Asia has created a new balance of power against Western countries' interventions in regional relations. This research aims to compare and examine China's relations and interactions with Iran and Saudi Arabia in two macroeconomic-commercial and security-political fields, and it raises the question of what approach China should adopt towards Iran and Saudi Arabia in view of these relations. To answer this question, China's interests and relations in the two mentioned fields and with Iran and Saudi Arabia were examined. The proposed hypothesis is that China's economic, military and political interests in West Asia have caused China to take a mediating approach and detente policy in relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia as two key actors in the region. The results of this study suggest that although the regional geopolitical competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia complicated things for China at times, this country succeeded in de-escalating tensions in its approach to regional developments, especially the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The present paper is a descriptive analysis using the documentary and library resources.

In the last decade,balance between cooperation and strategic competition in the interactions between the two countries,China and the United States, has been lost, and strategic competition has become an element that regulates and shapes the relationship between these two countries in all areas and bilateral and multilateral issues.The most important reason for this can be seen in the failure of the United States to change the Grand approach of China on the one hand and strengthen its capabilities on the other hand.The West Asian region is not exempt from this issue and the strategic competition between the two countries can also be seen in this area.A region that,although it was not a priority of the United States,has again become a concern of the United States due to the expansion and diversification of China's presence in this region, and under the concept of strategic competition,the weight and importance of West Asia for this country is increasing againTherefore,the man question of the article is what are the components of the strategic competition between China and America in the West Asian region?results of this research show that America,realizing the depth of China's increasing relations in the West Asian region, is revising its policies and increasing innovation in this region.Trying to create new political and economic security alliances in the region in the form of normalizing relations between the Zionist regime and the Arab countries,increasing economic and infrastructural entanglement of allies and expanding cooperation. Security issues are examples of the new American approach

Maintaining balanced relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia, two comprehensive strategic partners, holds increasing significance for China's developmental trajectory. This study delves into China's pragmatic approach of balancing and stable interactions with both Iran and Saudi Arabia through the lens of strategic hedging. The primary inquiry of this article is to discern the factors and drivers underpinning China's sustained commitment to its hedging strategy in cultivating equilibrium with these two state. The research findings underscore that the People's Republic of China has effectively safeguarded its strategic interests in its interactions with Iran and Saudi Arabia by employing a blend of cooperative diplomacy, strategic flexibility, an overarching policy of amicable engagement, and a deliberate avoidance of confrontations with the United States. Furthermore, China's mediation efforts in the Iran-Arabia diplomatic agreement in April 2023 serve as tangible evidence of Beijing's steadfast dedication to upholding its approach of equilibrium and strategic hedging vis-à-vis these two regional powerhouses. Methodologically, this research adopts a qualitative approach based on the descriptive-analytical method, with data being sourced from an array of library references.

The inclusion of Iran has forged a connection between the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and West Asia. From the “Shanghai Five” mechanism to the SCO, this organization has shifted its focus on regional connections to a sense of community and a shared future. It has now evolved into a major force in the construction of a more stable security environment in the Eurasian region. The SCO welcomes new members from near and far. The accession of Iran marks the beginning of the SCO’s “westward expansion”, showing the SCO’s growing regional influence and organizational appeal. Confronted with the diplomatic siege amidst extreme pressure and international sanctions, Iran upholds the diplomatic principles of “Dignity, Wisdom and Expediency.” It flexibly adjusts its “Look West” policy to a “Look East” policy and uses dynamic diplomacy to shift its status from “Independence” to “Engagement”. In the meantime, Iran’s attitude towards its accession to the SCO changed from a “vague attempt” to a “clear action”, and it secured full membership in the SCO with its determination for “firm accession”. Iran insists on strategic independence in the complex international environment, actively integrates into the SCO, and seeks membership in the BRICS. Its “Look East” policy aims to amplify its strategic depth, avert internal and external difficulties and shuttle the hegemony of the “Western” liberal international order.