نشریه مطالعات سیاسی
پیاپی 15 (بهار 1391)

This paper exploits the negative role of regional and international forces played in the past on the integrity and identity of Kurdish people in Kurdistan. It is an analytical-narrative attempt to shed some lights on Iranian political ecology. Despite the brilliant history of Kurds, the separation of some parts of Kurdistan from Iranian territory by then Ottoman Empire, in the far past, has caused tangible feeling of insecurity and distrust between Kurdish people and governments since then. This article focuses on how the regional and trans regional interventions instigated some Kurds to be belligerent against central governments and then, in conclusion, make some policy proposals that best serve to promote and protect the identity and integrity of Kurdish people.

Shia’s jurisprudence, prior to constitutional and Qajar era, payed not much attention to the social and political issues on government. In congruency with the developments in constitutional era, and in the face of traditional and modern argument on the government, Shia’s jurisprudence had to undergo some changes. Two views, one on constitutional Monarch and the other one on the monarchy limited by Sharia were emerged. The view of constitutional monarch was born mainly in the mind of Mohammed Hussein Naeini, while the idea of monarchy limited by Sharia had its source in Sheikh Fazlollah Nuri. It is the aim of this paper to find out how and why these two opposing views on Monarchy unfolded themselves. Analytical tool employed to compare these two views is Skinner’s Hermeneutic who belongs to the school of Cambridge. By using Skinner’s approach, we will try to understand the foundations of principles underlying each of these two views. Hence, the two-fold bases of language, theoretical, operational and ecological factors will be discussed and explained.

The aim in this paper is to assess the impact of western world developments on Iran-Turkey relation. It is tried to use realism conceptualization, construct theory, anarchism, competition or hostility at the national, regional and international level as tools of investigating this relations. While realism approach emphasizes the impact of objective factors such as the economic and military on the behaviors of nations, however, construct beliefs, norms and. expectations based on common values to be the main influential element s on the foreign behaviors. Hence, this paper aims to implement two approaches of realism and constructuralism as tools of analyzing the Iran-turkey relations.

Like most concepts, political philosophy could have various interpretations. Relativism and fundamentalism are two analytical models employed in the description of political philosophy in the past. Fundamentalist approaches however, seems to have more proponents in defining political philosophy than relativistic approach. It is the different interpretation-universal or culturally bound- definition of political philosophy which leads to the different views on the meaning of justice. Moreover the theory of rationality is central in any interpretation political philosophy and, as such, any critics of it must take into account the parameters of rationality.

The promosion of Iran to the first economic rank among South East Asian nations through implementation and materialization of 2026 visionary program is achievable only if fundamental changes in economic planning and economic effectiveness take place. The relation between the economic developments planning and economic gap in Iran is the subject of analysis in this paper. Toexplore this issue, economic development after Islamic Revolution was first briefly assessed and then the structural gap in developing nations and also the effects of economic development in Iran was studied. To achieve this objective, Loon’s theory was employed and effort was made to explain the disequilibrium indicators. One of the disequilibrium indicators is the income gap which is calculated by Gini Coefficient. It is also tried to assess the economic development trend in Iran based on factors such as expected values, government effectiveness and Iranian economic rank among nations.

The theorizing procedure in international relations has shifted from micro to macro level. Accordingly, constructivism was proposed as a moderate approach to the study of social and political phenomena with an emphasis on structure and human individuals as functionary factors. The importance of this study is due to the role assigned to governments and individuals as well as the possible mechanismsand limiting structures in shaping the international system, foreign policy behavior and national interests. Having utilized a descriptive-analytic method, the researchers made attempts at explicating Gaddafi’s foreign policy on the basis of constructivism model. The results of the study show that the course of transfer of foreign policy failure into the boundaries of national identity, in the first threedecades of Gaddafi’s sovereignty, has led to a steady flow of identity-building and construction of interests in the time of crisis (by active functionaries in national sphere), especially after the overthrow of Saddam in March 2003.

This is an attempt to study the problems associated with the social consensus within Iranian multi-ethnic society. Data for this research was collected from relevant books and documents. The gathered data was then analyzed by using a composite-analytic model. This model is based on a theoretical framework of structural-causality and ethnic mobilization. Findings show that the Quranic teaching, constitution, political participation, security, tradition, charismatic political leadership, civil laws, revolutionary leaders and authorities from various ethnics, type of center-peripheral relations, the role of ethnics in important historical and national events are all favorable grounds for social consensus while authoritarianisms, ethnic instrumentalism, idealism, the nature of border settlements and external factors, in contrast, constitute unfavorable grounds for social integration and disintegration in Iran.

This research aims to determine the share and salience of class identity in comparison with international and national aspects of collective identity and explain the relationship between socialization agents and their role in the construction class identity has been conducted over 15-29 years old youth of Golestan Province in 1391. The results showed that class identity in all three aspects of cognitive, emotional and behavioral salience is moderate. Also class aspect of collective identity in comparison with international and national aspects was more salience in the cognitive and behavioral aspects, but in emotional aspect was more salience than international identity. Results showed that despite the greater influence of satellite programs in forming class identity, family was the main socialization mechanism in forming class identity. Concerning socialization agents, family & educational system were standing somehow contradictory to satellite programs, but TV & satellite programs were a peaceful relationship and paralleled. The research also shows lack of interaction between national socializing agents.