نشریه پژوهش های روابط بین الملل
سال سوم شماره 3 (پیاپی 9، پاییز 1392)

In order to promote research and teaching in the field of International Relations and Political Science, making internal assessment of educational departments will be helpful. Such a assessment provides scholars and academics a clear view about weakness and strong aspects of educational department. Internal assessment requires participation of students, professors, and users that are in direct connection with traditional method of teaching that we are familiar with. In this article authors are about to make internal assessment of IR Department of Tehran University through conducting a survey, the results will provide us evaluation on weakness and strong aspects of traditional method of teaching IR in one of leading Iranian universities.

Geopolitical Genome is the geographical genetic map of the politics and derived from geography of a country. Foreign policy of every country have affected by genetic map of the geopolitics. Iran in the neighboring with 15 countries is a strategic region. Understanding the genomes and codes of the neighbor countries has an effective role to drafting a proper foreign policy with geopolitical characteristics of Iran. The authors of the present paper with analysis of the geopolitical themes of Iran and Afghanistan, has tried to finding the format of the confronting codes and genomes of Iran and Afghanistan.

China's rise as a great geopolitics and regional Power of the World is challenged USA hegemony. An approach knows China's as a silent threat to the interests of the United States and East Asia and rival American power in the future and wants to prevent the growth of China and further restrictions on this country (emphasis on hard power). The second approach believes that by involving China in the global economy, society and various multilateral institutions can manage the country's rise to the status of a great power (soft power balance). Both countries have two systems of different political, cultural and racial composition. It is in a different stage of economic development and modernity is 6000 miles of each other. One on the peak of international hierarchy and the other is climbed toward it.History has shown that the great powers compete to hot or cold war ended and there is a lot of anticipation that the two countries are also in the path of this tragic step. These ideas point out to disputes of the two countries on Taiwan, human rights, trade, finance, regional security, arms control, and point out that both countries believe their military force ready for the confrontation against each other. Although it must be stressed that policy makers from both countries are aware of the German and British competition and historical background of the cold war between the Soviet Union and the United States. Clash of the two countries, according to the country's economic interdependence is very terrible for both. On the other hand the nuclear weapons deterrence decrease full-scale encounter between the two countries. However, the future relations of the two countries are on a range of cooperation and competition, and in the case of reaching China’s to the level of the political power of the American or even military will increase the clash as well. Due to the rise of China as a global power and the United States as a superpower now, what are the quality of future relations between China and the United States? Are relations between the two countries will shape mutual cooperation and convergence, stability and peace or with the deterioration of relations between the two countries will increase competition and perhaps even collide and the war? The authors by using of different approaches in the issue of future relations between the United States and China are trying to answer to the research questions posed, and reach to the hypothesis in the context. In this study we take into account with a pluralistic approach a qualitative research method. Qualitative research is benefiting from a combination of qualitative methods. Qualitative research methods require some kind of plurality method. Qualitative researcher are using in their work any materials or methods, experimental strategies available to work. Unlike common perception, qualitative methods are in no way meant the lack of use of quantities data, as has been used in this research too.

The issue of transformation in China's national security strategy has fueled many debates among policymakers and research communities in the past decades. Additionally, the fact that China's growth is now considered a security threat to the Country's security procedures is also the source of many debates. The main objective of this article is to evaluate changes in China's national security strategy considering the Country's four generations of rulers, in the framework of China's security traditions and “comprehensive security. The main question posed in this article considers the ways in which China's national security Strategy has been defined and/or re-defined under the four generations of China's rulers.The answer to this question is sought in an explanatory-analytical method, with due consideration of the “comprehensive security” theoretical framework of Barry Buzan and Ole Weaver of the Copenhagen School of thought (COPRI). This is done to evaluate the power of the principles of the Copenhagen School of thought to explain and predict the changes taken place in China's national security strategy. The main hypothesis studied here is that securitizing and de-securitizing from Weaver's viewpoint and the constituents of comprehensive security are not, in most cases, able to evaluate China's security transformations.

In the last two decades, Russia has regarded NATO's expansion to the East as a threat against its national security interests. Meanwhile, Moscow has attempted to match its national interests with future plans of the military bloc. Under President Medvedev and following the Lisbon meeting in November 2010, Kremlin's cooperation with NATO has increased. This is significant to Tehran-Moscow ties considering their technological and military ties.

More than 45% of the earth’s land surface is covered by international and transboundary river basins (Wolf et al. 1999). In addition, almost 40% of the world’s population depends on these international shared water resources. Due to water scarcity, increasing rate of water consumption, and negative impacts of the climate change on available water resources, several water crisis and political challenges have occurred in some areas of the world. This conflict is much more serious in the arid and semi-arid regions of the Middle East than other parts of the world. Clearly, lack familiarity with political and legal (water laws) aspects of transboundary rivers management can significantly affect their sustainable operation. In this paper, we examine the problems and challenges of the international water resources, including surface and ground water in political, legal, and security points of view. The relation between water and national security is also explained. Moreover, the principles and doctrines which are used in the international water treaties and laws are surveyed. Finally, we briefly propose some suggestions to improve resiliency of international water agreements to handle the future stresses.