نشریه جستارهای نوین ادبی
سال چهل و هفتم شماره 3 (پیاپی 186، پاییز 1393)

With the publication of Djalal Khaleghi Motlagh’s critical edition، the need for editorial work on the entire Shāh-nāma has disappeared. Instead، researchers are now called upon to establish critical readings of the text through careful research and consideration of the textual variants given in Khaleghi Motlagh’s edition، facsimiles of Shāh-nāma manuscripts، insights of other Shāh-nāma scholars and pertinent secondary sources. The ultimate goal of these efforts is to establish an almost final version of Iran’s national epic. Following this approach، the present paper examines the readings āvard gāhi pey āhu and bakhšeš-e kārzār and suggests replacing these variants with āvardgāh-e nar āhu and tokhšeš-e kārzār.

A survey and analysis of the ancient Iranian religion calls for a profound familiarity with the Elamite religion and its gods. Elamite beliefs played an important role in forming the Iranian religion between the 4th millennium BC and the advent of the Indo-Iranians on the Iranian plateau. In this paper، we examine the Elamite religious background and the major gods and goddesses that were worshipped in Elam. The central motif of the serpent in Elamite rites is also discussed. Pinikir، the goddess of heaven، corresponds to the Babylonian Ishtar. She was later replaced by the mother goddess Kiririsha. Humban and Hutran were worshipped in the 2nd millennium BC and Inshushinak، great god of Susiana، formed a divine triad with these two deities. This triad bears remarkable similarity to the Iranian godly triad of Hormazd-Mithra-Anahita، recorded in Later Avesta and Achaemenid inscriptions. The character of Inshushinak undoubtedly helped shape the Iranian figure of Mithra. Other Elamite religious influences include Kidenn or the divine Aura، which influenced the formation of the Iranian Xvarənah.

One of the central issues in Shāh-nāma studies concerns the question of “essence” and “art.” In the Shāh-nāma’s perspective، the demiurge has created the microcosm (humankind) and the macrocosm (the universe)، each with a particular essence. Both cannot but submit to the command of their essences. However، the creator has bestowed his discernment on the human world. For this reason، the human being is also possessed of another unique essence، attendant on the God-given discernment. According to the Shāh-nāma، the human being، aided by art، can ultimately redeem the circularity of his or her nature through an uninterrupted destiny and close the circle of his or her perfection. The human being can thus be at the same time “by nature first” and “in order last.” We believe that all of the Shāh-nāma can in fact be seen as a detailed exposition of the following verses: Doth “man” imply one nature، one alone? Thou know’st it may be but the feeble sideOf mortal man، wherein no trace is shownOf aught beyond and yet two worlds agree – A might partnership – to furnish thee. By nature first، in order last، art thou; Hold not thyself then lightly. (Translation by Arthur and Edmond Warner)

The paintings of the illustrated Shahnama manuscripts can pave the way to reach at the approach of the addressees of Shahnama during all the times. Shahnama is the book which has been a focus of much concentration and attention by the painters but this type of pictography has been exposed to variations concerning atmospheric conditions. So if raises the question here about the type of the impact of the audience on the kind of the pictography of the Shahnama. Is it possible to guess the specific addressee through the paintings? In this research by selecting two copies: Baysunghuri and Davari، we find an answer to the question. Our research methodology is such that both the painting copies are studied in the perspective of theme and pictorial elements and then we explain the relation between the paintings and the addressees of the Shahnama. The outcome of this research reveals that the type of addressee being royal or non-royal plays an important role in choosing the theme and the picture elements.

Mock epic «is a genre of mocking and satirical imitation that employs the elevated language and style of the epic to describe prosaic actions without value or purpose. The mock epic is characterised by a disparity of subject matter and style، i. e. a popular، common place subject is recounted with perfect eloquence and cast in the elevated vocabulary that is typical of the epic. Occasionally، it also happens that a lofty subject is expressed in popular language but couched in the rhythm of epic: according to the Western definition، this type is called» burlesque. «It appears that the authors of Persian mock epics did not take account of the difference between burlesque and mock epic. This paper offers a definition of the mock epic before specifying its features such as ridiculous characters، satirical imitation of Ferdowsi’s Shāh-nāma، comical descriptions and images، disparity of subject matter and language andsatirical treatment of epic elements (comical turns of plot، humorous exchanges of letters and ironic exaggeration) to show the similarities and affinities that link the mock epic to satire and epic. In order to situate the mock epic among other kinds of satire and epic، the various types of mock epic are delineated according to time period، length، form، style and popularity، based on a descriptive-analytical method. Finally، while bearing in mind that the Persian mock epic rests on a deep structure of socio-political criticism، the different aspects of the genre are examined.

The symbolic cultural order becomes manifest through language in the case of texts and narratives and through images in the case of art. Knowledge of the elements that compose the symbolic order is an essential analytical tool، above all for comparative studies of art، literature and religion. In this way، many of the symbolic references that exist in each culture can be illuminated by examples from myth، literature، art and the history of religion. The fundamental structure and bedrock of the symbolic order، which is relatively stable yet keeps returning in different forms، may thus be revealed. Basedon the etymology of the expression babr-e bayān in the Shāh-nāma and a study of the relevant myths and narratives، Ioffer a mythological interpretation of Rostam’s symbolic garment. The paper then closes with a semiotic analysis of Rostam’s garment supported by evidence that suggests a possible link of babr-e bayānto the symbolic dress of Anahita.

The name of Żahhāk''s palace is given in the Shāh-nāma as «Kang diz huxt.» Some scholars have identified the final element of the compound، huxt، with hūxt in Pahlavi and have accordingly explained the compound as «the holy Kang diz.» This explanation seems to be incorrect since there is evidence at hand to suggest that the element huxt in this compound is unrelated tohūxt in Pahlavi. Furthermore، hūxt was never used to mean «holy» in the Pahlavi texts. Outside the Shāh-nāma، the name of Żahhāk''s palace also appears in an account by Hamza of Esfahān، where it is given as kalangdis (كلنگ ديس) and damnhat (دمن حت)، and in Mujmal al-Tavārīx v-al-Qisas، where it is given as kang dej huxt (كنگ دژ هوخت) and dashat (دس حت). In Tārīx al-Umam، the first element is rendered as zaranj (زرنج). Based on the evidence reported in this paper، it can be asserted that all these forms are misinterpretations of «Kurind dušīd/ dužīd» in the Pahlavi Xwadāy-nāmag. Doubtlessly، this latter form goes back to «Kuuirinta dužīta» (literary: «impracticable or inaccessible Kuuirinta»)، which is a place name in the Avesta.

The academic community has long noticed the resemblance between Mongolian and Turkic epics. Some believe that the Mongols and the Turkic People share a narrative tradition that accounts for their commonalities. Such a tradition arises from the period of time when ancestors of these two Groups lived together in Central Asia and South Siberia (cf. Nekljudov 1981). One could also assert that Mongolian and Turkic heroic epics display common features in theme، plot، structure، motif، character، and formula (Cf. Rinchindorji 1987 and 1999). This paper explores how the Mongol-Turkic epic typology formed and developed.