نشریه پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران
پیاپی 24 (بهار 1399)

The Lapui period is one of the prehistoric cultural stages of South Zagros that was first introduced by McCown and Langsdorff in the excavations of Tall-i-Bakun in the Bakun A surface layer. But it was Louis Vanden Berghe who first used the title “Lapui”. Lapui Pottery has been extensively obtained in the Sumner survey of the Kor River Basin, on the other hand, Lapui pottery is found in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari mountains in high quantity and quality. The question arises as to what the relationship between the Lapui Pottery of these two regions was. Therefore, the present study compares 17 sherds of Lapui pottery belonging to four Archaeological sites of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari with 7 sherds of Kur River Basin sites (Lapui and Tall-i-Bakun) by the petrographic method in order to investigate the similarity and differentiation of these pottery sherds. Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari Mountains, on the other hand, have provided a suitable nomadism habitat that has been the focus of Lapui culture. In fact, the existence of the highlands and its rich foothills provide favorable conditions for herd movements, in addition to the abundant water resources in the region, which has long been the focus of nomads. But petrographic studies on pottery sherds scientifically investigate this nomadism. Finally, considering the similarities of pottery texture, fillers, Gap analysis, and baking pottery temperature, it can be concluded that the knowledge of making Lapui pottery has been transferred to the northern boundaries of this culture under the influence of nomadic movements and that the inhabitants of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari geography today act. They have made Lapui pottery, which is justified in the slightest contrast to some samples in the region with northern Fars. On the other hand, the degree of similarity of some samples of the southern areas of the Chaharmahal & Bakhtiari with those of Fars is such that it is reminiscent of their importation.

In the Kor River Basin, there are several prehistoric sites with red slip pottery found on the surface of which and had previously been seen in the upper layers of  Tall-i-Bakun A (Langsdorff and McCown, 1942: 32). One of these sites is “Tepe Lapui”, which derives its name from a village of the same name (which has now become a city). It is noteworthy that the name “Lapui”, now one of the cultural stages of South Zagros, was first mentioned by Louis Vanden Berghe (VandenBerghe, 1954: 401). As noted, McCown and Langsdorff first introduced it in the excavations of Tall-i-Bakun, in the surface layer of Bakun A. They first recorded it as Bakun A 5 (Langsdorff and McCown, 1942: 32), due to the different pottery properties they had observed (compared to the painted Bakun pottery). The pottery obtained from Bakun AV was similar to the pottery that Sumner had obtained in his studies of the Kor River Basin. Accordingly, the simple red pottery of Bakun A 5 was designated as Lapui Pottery, a separate period in the prehistory of Fars sequence. In addition to Fars, Lapui pottery has been found in Bakhtiari area (Zagarell, 1982 and Khosrowzadeh 1386, 88, 89 and 90). Lapui pottery from Bakhtiari region has not been studied separately and cohesively so far, and the nature of its association with Lapui pottery of the Kor River Basin, which originates in Lapui culture, remains unclear. The present study seeks to conduct a detailed comparative study of 24 pottery sherds from two provinces of Fars and Chaharmahal va Bakhtiari using Petrography method to determine the nature of the relationship in the fourth millennium BC (3900 to 3400 BC) in the north of Fars with the Bakhtiari Mountains. On the other hand, it is worth noting that for the Lapui period, it has been suggested to change the settlement patterns and to move to Nomadism. Alizadeh, for example, has some evidence of the change in the settlement patterns of Lapui culture over Bakun A’s settlements (Alizadeh, 2004: 82) Or, Sumner argues, Nomadism was a response to the rapid decline in productivity in the Sun region, due to the adverse consequences of excessive use of agricultural land (Sumner, 1972). How is the position of the Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari mountains and its highland plains, along with the abundant water resources located on the northern boundaries of the Lapui culture, defined? It seems that the landscape of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari and its potential are of interest to the Originator of Lapui culture.  

According to petrographic studies in general, it can be stated that quartz minerals are found in all samples. It has been used as the main filler and Temper. This mineral is generally single crystalline with angular to semi-rounded margins. But there is also a less frequent type of polycrystalline. The angularity of the quartz minerals is due to two reasons: the quartz is not displaced from its original origin or is deliberately crushed by the potter and added to the clay. In some samples, it is the dominant constituent of calcite and has less abundant quartz. As mentioned, calcite is considered a thermal index because calcite minerals dissipate at temperatures around 800 degrees Celsius. Due to the geology of the two provinces and the existence of different calcareous and carbonate formations, the absence of calcite in some pottery indicates that the degree of baking pottery has exceeded 800 degrees Celsius. The use of different stone fragments in the studied Lapui pottery as temper was not common. The use of limestone and calcite in the pottery structure of Chaharmahal va Bakhtiari province is more common than Fars province. The structure of some samples shows a flow state that goes back to the type of pottery created. The color change in the body of the pottery or the different color of the pottery has nothing to do with their composition, depending on the conditions of oxidation and resuscitation and the amount of oxygen at the time of pottery baking. Finally, it can be stated that, according to the above explanations, all pottery studies are of local origin and differ only in their primary origin, time and place of manufacture. For this reason, the minerals in the pottery are different. According to the objectives of the study, it can be concluded that the structure of all the pottery in these areas is similar to each other and their major difference is related to their original composition and origin.  

Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari have good living conditions for a Nomadism lifestyle that is still maintained even today; As was also the focus of Lapui culture. The distribution of Lapui sites in the province was studied and it was found that the southern sites of the province provided significant quantitative and qualitative pottery samples. On the other hand, petrographic studies on 24 samples of Lapui pottery in two provinces show structural and compositional similarities between samples. These parallels reflect the spread of Lapui culture on its northern borders, which has led to the transfer of Lapui pottery knowledge to the Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari foothills. In addition to the overall microscopic similarity between the samples, four of the pottery samples of the province (G.C 11, 22 and M.T 07, 04) are similar in structure, composition, baking pottery temperature, and texture quality to those in North Fars. This high similarity does not appear to be accidental, and these four pottery sherds may have been influenced by Nomadism movements in the province, with all four pottery sherds belonging to southern areas of the province. Thus, the Lapui pottery of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari has been directly (imported) and indirectly (transfer of production knowledge) influenced by the Potters of the Kor River Basin.

Sarayan region is one of the most studied areas of South Khorasan Archaeology in recent years which has not been many studies. This area comprises two parts from landscape: mountainous and plain. These parts have provided environmentally favorable locations for settlements formation in past. As the formation of early settlements have always been dependent to environmental factors. one of these approaches in archeological studies is the study of the settlement pattern and analysis investigating the formation process of archeological sites in environmental contexts. It seems human interactions with the environment in the South Plain of Sarayan causing a distinct landscape. Information and awareness of settlement pattern of area could improve the perception of its cultural landscapes. In the past, this kind of analysis was done through traditional methods but nowadays analysis of settlement pattern is done by different software like ArcGIS that results in real and accurate information. The present study investigates 16 settlements of the Chalcolithic and Bronze ages in Sarayan region that were identified in archaeological survey of Sarayan. This research studies the settlement pattern recognition of the pre-historic period in this region for the first time. The most important questions are how settlements are formed in the region and factors affecting settlements formation during the Chalcolithic and Bronze ages. Therefore, first, were performed typological comparison of the data and the settlements chronological then, GIS software was used to analyze and identify settlement patterns of Sarayan area with various factors of natural and human geography. Accordingly, various variables were analyzed such as precipitation, rivers and environmental contexts. These analyzes showed that different variables have an important influence on the settlements formation. These variables include elevation code, temperature status, access to permanent water sources. Even the number of sites have been created on the border of permanent rivers in this region.
 

The interaction between human and her surrounding environment creates cultural landscapes in nature. It is a reciprocal relationship. The environment forms the basis of culture by its capabilities and limitations and cultures adapt to the environment by using environmental features and overcome environmental constraints and lead to the formation of landscape in environmental contexts. Influence of human on the natural environment has always provided a spatial distinction in terms of population and habitat density and it has caused the formation of specific patterns of habitation in different ancient periods. The interaction in between human and environment is important in settlement pattern discussion, as human and environmental conditions have influenced each other in a same place; In other words, human has changed the environment to his advantage as much as affected by the environmental factors. This effect has made some changes in the environment and human behavior. What we know as culture –the human distinctive feature- is the result of this adaptation and behavior basically. The interaction between human being and environment either in the form of human effect on the environment or the environment effect on the human, cannot be considered out of the environment.
Khorasan province which is located among the cultural area of southwestern central Asia, northeastern of central plateau and northeastern Iran is one of the unexplored but important regions in archaeological investigation in Iran. Sarayan region is one of the most studied areas of South Khorasan archaeology in recent years which has not been many studies. Sarayan region is located in North West South Khorasan relatively cool climate and the mountain. Plains and mountains around the Sarayan have been quite capable of living in different moments of human life. Surveys accomplished in this area show that happened the peak of progress and cultural development in the fourth and third millennium BC.
Research Questions: The most important questions are how settlements are formed in the region and factors affecting settlements formation during the Chalcolithic and Bronze ages.
Research Hypotheses: These analyzes showed that different variables have an important influence on the settlements formation. These variables include elevation code, temperature status, access to permanent water sources. Even the number of sites have been created on the border of permanent rivers.

The method of collecting data are field and libraries. Therefore, first, were performed typological comparison of the data and the settlements chornological then, GIS software was used to analyze and identify settlement patterns of Sarayan area with various factors of natural and human geography.
 

Archaeological survey of central district of Sarayan started in 2011. In this study were discovered different sites from pre-historic to contemporary period. Most of these sites are related from the 4th to 2th millennium BC. Generally, the distribution of these settlements is due to geographical and human factors. In fact, geography has been influenced in all stages of life of human societies. Another factor is the human factor. In fact, the purpose of the human factor is both nomadic and sedentary societies who live more close to each other.
Of total identified settlements in the Sarayan rgion, only 3 sites have been created in mountainous areas and 13 sites in the southern plain of Sarayan. It seems that there are more sites in this plain but they have been buried under the sands over time due to the abundance of sand and heavy winds. However, it is difficult to identify ancient settlements in mountainous areas due to specific topographical conditions and impassable mountains. Undoubtedly, these settlements continue in the northern half of 3Qale district,that needs a systematic survey to obtain a comprehensive scale of the prehistoric sites and their location in the region. In general, of all the identified settlements in this survey, pre-historic settlements inclusive for about 11% of the total identified settlements of the central district.
The samples of pottery collected from the surface of prehistoric settlements are the most of the data related to this period in this region that used for typology and chronology. The results of these studies show the many similarities of the Sarayan pottery traditions with the central plateau, northeast of Iran, southeast of Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan regions. The typological results of these sites show that these sites are from the 5th to 2th millennium BC.

The results of the present study show that except for 3 sites including Nodeh, Zou, and tappeh Pas-e- Borj, the other settlements are located in the southern part of Sarayan and in one settlement line. So that all sites are located in the southern plain and southern jungle or on the farmlands. Sandy bedding and strong winds have buried most of these sites under the soil, and this is a potential threat to these sites that may remain unknown or destroyed.
Statistics show that 80% of the settlements are formed in lowly and sandy plains with very low slope and only 20% of settlements are formed in higher and sub montane areas. It should be known that this model has been tested based on surface surveys and for this reason, it may not be able to cover some sites and settlements. As mentioned, it may many sites have been covered by sedimentation and sandstorms. It is also possible some of the sites within the Jungle and the Southern Plains of Sarayan in the pre-historic times have been created to temporary settlement. Because this nomadic life was prevalent in this region in Islamic period. Ethno-archeology models can help us in this context.

So called Uruk grey ware is one of the most important fourth millennium B.C pottery type of upper Mesopotamia. This typical pottery type dating back to the middle phases of Late chalcolithic period (LC3-4) of northern Mesopotamia. This ware is a handmade and chaff tempered/chaff-faced pottery. Uruk grey ware reported from many chalcolithic period sites in upper Mesopotamia extended from north of Syria and Iraq to the south-east of Turkey. Even upper Mesopotamia and western Iran are neighboring regions and have a firm cultural interaction during prehistory, but there is not clear information regarding Uruk grey ware in west of Iran. recent archaeological investigation carried out in some regions in western Iran archaeological sites like Tepe Qaleh Naneh in Marivan county, identified some handmade chaff tempered pottery seems to be Uruk grey pottery. Noted that Tepe Qaleh Naneh was first reported by Bu Alisina expedition in 2003. The site was revisited in 2015 resulted unmourns Godin VI (Late Uruk) pottery. Regarding the value of this pottery in late chalcolithic pottery studies, Present paper would try to investigate and evaluate the new founded martials from Marivan region. On the subject of non-local provenance of Uruk grey war which is located in upper Mesopotamia, the main question concerning this typical pottery type in western Iran is about the way of its intrusion and development in this area. In order to find the answer our question, we compared and analyzed Uruk grey pottery unearthed from archaeological sites like Tepe Qale Nane and some other chalcolithic period sites in western Iran like Tepe Kalnan. The result of our studies concerning this pottery showing that Uruk grey ware is not confined in Upper Mesopotamian horizon and some parts of western Iran is also influenced from this ware. Regarding firm archaeological interaction between western Iran and Upper Mesopotamia in fourth millennium B.C, so called Uruk grey war was introduced in western Iran also.

Obviously Upper Mesopotamia the same as southern Mesopotamia has an important role regarding the study of first cities in the world. After long time using local chronological table related to the late chalcolithic period studies in northern Mesopotamia, from 2000 onward, a new table which is based on changes occurred in martial cultures and particularly pottery was used. This new table divided the entire chalcolithic period (4500-3100 BC) to 5 phase: LC (Late Chalcolithic) 1: 4500-4200 BC is a transitional phase (Post-Ubaid) between Ubaid 4 and Early Uruk and characterized by typical Black On Buff (BOB) painted ware but with more limited painting compare to Ubaid 4. LC2: 4200-3850 is overlap somewhat with Early Uruk of southern Mesopotamia but without any southern influences. This phase is characterized by disappear of painted pottery and apparent of plain chaff tempered wares. LC3: 3850-3700 BC is characterized by new worldwide type (Chaff-Face) ware with its 4 typical variant: grey-black ware, Casserole, Hammerhead and potter mark. LC4/5:3600-3100 is overlap with middle and late Uruk period of southern Mesopotamia (Rothman, 2001: 370-72). After long time absence of southern influences, in the middle of 4th millennium BC, we see that southern Mesopotamia influences like Beveled rime pottery. One of the typical pottery style of Upper Mesopotamian late chalcolithic period is so called Uruk grey ware that is one of the chaff face variant. This type is really less known in western Iran, but recently in our survey carried out in Marivan area in western Iran, we succeed in discovering a few chaff face grey ware the same as Upper Mesopotamian Uruk grey ware. Discovering this new grey ware, showing the key position of this area from western Iran regarding to late chalcolithic period studies. Hoping future studies tell more about this unknown pottery style.
 

As mentioned Uruk grey ware is not western Iranian pottery type. This ware seems to be originated outside western Iran and its provenance is located in northern Mesopotamia (Gut, 2002: 20; Brustolon and Rova, 2007: 15-16). Regarding this issue, the main question about this pottery in western Iran is how and why this pottery is identified in this area? The most common and principal hypothesis may lay in immigration of people more transparency communities, but our studies show something different. in order to find the answer of proposed question, we analyses Uruk grey ware of some key sites in western Iran like Tepe Qlaeh Naneh in Marivan region. Qlaeh Naneh is a multi-period archaeological mound located in Marivan region in western Iran (Mohammadifar & Motarjem, 2003). This sites are dominated by prehistoric deposits and particular late chalcolithic period remains (Saedmoucheshi et al. 2015). Our evaluation and comparisons of this ware with similar ones from neighboring regions and specially northern Mesopotamia demonstrated that this pottery was introduced and developed in western Iran as a result of archaeological interaction between Western Iran and upper Mesopotamia in fourth millennium B.C. even western Iran and Upper Mesopotamia are in contact and have an archaeological interaction some times before late chalcolithic period in 4th millennium B.C, but with begging of  urbanization process in Mesopotamia in fourth millennium B.C this cultural interaction have raised and a firm interaction was formed. As a result of this cultural interaction both regions influenced from each other. One of the main sign of this relation and interaction is introducing of so called Uruk grey ware in western Iran.
 

What have been known as grey pottery in western Iran archaeological studies is confined to the bronze and Iron Age. But our new founded martials from some regions in western Iran like Tepe Qlaeh Naneh in Marivan showing that there is also some chaff-faced pottery in late chalcolithic period also called Uruk grey ware. Our methodology in this paper is based on comparative studies: Investigation the Similarities of Upper Mesopotamian Late Chalcolithic Period Potteries and particularly so called Uruk Grey ware with similar one that recently discovered in Marivan area in west of Iran. our studies show, as Upper Mesopotamian LC period and Qafghaz area that has some typical black and grey style ware in the first half to mid of fourth millennium BC, in western Iran there is the same grey style pottery that are totally different from bronze and Iron age grey ware. The most important characterization of this pottery is about their surface treatment: the outer surface of this ware is chaff-faced. This issue is a main sign for distinguishing this pottery from bronze and Iron age grey ware. Our discovery has an important role in Late Chalcolithic period studies of Western Iran and particularly border area like Marivan. Our findings are some grey ware including plain vegetated bowl. The bowl is fairly made with some burnished residue on the surface. This new ware has the same parallel in Upper Mesopotamian counterpart like: Arbil and Sharizor plain (Peyronel and Vacca, 2015) in Iraqi Kurdistan, Grai Rash (Kepinski et al. 2011), Tepe Gwara (Gawra VIII), (Rothman, 2002: 52), Tel Zeidan (Stein, 2009; 2010; 2011), Tel Brak (Mattwes, 2003). So we belief that our recent findings in Marivan belong to wider horizon of Uruk Grey ware of Upper Mesopotamia which extended to the western Iran and embracing the Marivan area also.

Coins are among the most precious material for the study of the economic, political and cultural structure of societies during the different historical periods. Numismatic studies are used as a complementary science for historical studies. So often that, applying the numismatic has been proofed by archaeologists, historians, history of art’s researchers and other related sciences. Although historical sources represent a vague image of Alexander, the plenty of Alexander’s issues give us significant information concerning Alexander and his period. Therefore, his coinage is considered first-hand sources in archaeological and historical researches. Many studies regarding Alexander’s coinage have been published abroad for more than a century. However, Alexander’s coinage studies have some deficiencies in Iran. According to this research, the mints of Alexander’s coinage, based on Alexander’s drachms at Falak-ol-Aflak Museum in Khorram Abad, will be introduced for the first time. 20 drachms were identified in this collection. The descriptive-analytical method is applied at the present study, and the data has collected by library and field studies. Studying weight, legend, symbol, and badge showed Alexander’s drachms at Falak-ol-Aflak Museum were produced in Asia Minor’s mints such as Lampsacus, Abydus, Colophon, Mylasa, Sardes and Magnesia. All of the six mints were considered as the most important mints which were responsible for struck alexander’s drachms. The mints started to produce drachms just several years after the conquest of Alexander in Asia Minor. Issues were minted between 323-297 BC., and are produced from the last year of Alexander’s life to the last battles of his successors. The presence of these coins in Luristan might be related to several reasons such as the political events during these periods especially for the consecutive wars of Alexander’s successors. On the other hand, Alexander’s drachms might through trading arrived in Luristan.
 

Numismatic studies played an important role to detect the political and economic situation of various historical periods, especially when we have a shortage of archaeological materials and ancient sources. Sometimes a coin is all of what we have can transfer the information concerning political, cultural, social and religious situations of the cities. Although many studies of Alexander coinage have been done abroad, our knowledge from Alexander’s issues and his successors’ coinage is scanty in Iran.
23 Alexander’s drachms are at the numismatic collection of Falak-ol-Aflak Museum. All but three were identified. Even if tetradrachms are the majority of coins among the collections of museums in Iran, Khorram Abad collection keeps numerous Alexander’s drachms. Probably this group of Drachms can be considered as the major collection of Alexander drachm in the west of Iran, which is in-depth the richest of any such group of drachm yet reported in Iran. The collection can improve our knowledge regarding Alexander coinage specially drachm issues in Iran. However, the collection has not been studied before.
In this paper will pay to several matters; first, Falak-ol-Aflak Museum in Khorram Abad briefly will be presented. Second, the coinage of Alexander’s time and his successors will be discussed. Third, coins of this research and their mint will be introduced. Forth, the attention will be paid to the reasons of drachm minting at these workshops; and five, finally, the probable reasons for the presence of Alexander’s drachms in Luristan will be examined.
What we are trying to answer in this paper is a range of demands such as: how was the coinage minting during Alexander and his successors periods? Which are the mints that have produced the drachms in this research? What was the reason for striking drachms and what were the mints which produced drachms? And why were these drachms found in Luristan?
Greek and Roman sources, different catalogues and library studies have been used in this research. For the identification of drachms, the main catalogues were utilized such as Alexander’s Drachm Mints I: Sardes and Miletus”, “Alexander’s Drachm Mints II: Lampsacus and Abyadus” by Margaret Thompson, “Five Alexander Hoards in Afyon Museum” by Richard Ashton and “The Coinage in the Name of Alexander the Great and Philip Arrhidaeus” by Robert Price. The inventory numbers of drachms are preserved for the authenticity of drachms. For having easy access to the catalogues, the abbreviations of catalogues have been written in the “Notes” section at the end of this paper. 
Scholars such as Muller, Newell, Mørkholm, Thompson Bellinger and Price had widespread studies on Alexander’s coinage. Their results have been published for more than a century. However, the study of Alexander’s issues and Iran during his period is really poor in Iran.
 
Falak-ol-Aflak Museum, Khorram Abad
Falak-Ol-Aflak Fortress stands a top hill at the center of the city of Khorram Abad. The original building is attributed to the Shapur the First Sasanian Empire, in the third century A.D. (fig.1-2). Important past uses of the fortress included a treasury, the seat of government and a military base and political prison. The fortress constructed in to the first and second courtyards with their different sections. Falak-ol-Aflak Museum is situated in the second yard. It consists of Archaeological and Anthropological sections (Sajjadi & farzin, 2003: 18). 23 drachms of Alexander are kept at the collection of this museum that made this museum as an important collection in Iran,
 

Coinage is one of the significant materials for archaeologists, historians and numismatists. Numismatic studies are applied for the study of societies’ structure in the past. Whenever the archaeological materials are scanty the numismatic evidence play an important role. From the conquest of Alexander to conquer of Parthians is a gap or a dark part of Iran archaeology. Alexander’s issues contain significant information might be considered as vital sources for the historical and archaeological researches. In this research, in accordance with Alexander’s drachms at the museum of Falak-ol-Aflak, the coinage of Alexander had been studied for the first time. The results showed the issues were struck at Asia Minor mints such as Lampsacus, Abydus, Colophon, Mylasa, Sardes and Magnesia. These mints are among the mints were responsible minting the drachms for Alexander and his successors. The issues mainly were struck for paying the soldiers and mercenaries. Drachms were produced from 323 to 297 B.C. the existence of these coins might be in relation to the Cossaeans’ presence in the army of Alexander and later Seleucus’s army. According to Greek and Roman sources, Alexander and Antigonus one-eyed refused to pay “safe road tax” to Cossaeans when they passed from the land of Cossaeans. If we accept it, therefore, these issues could not arrive to this area by receiving the tribute. On the other hand, the drachms may have entered to Luristan though trading with neighbours like the “Greater Media”.

Studying the coins of a period, helps us to understand the important historical events that led to the coinage of those coins. Coins of Narseh, the seventh Sassanian king, also have this feature, and their study provides us with valuable information about the Narseh revolt and the civil wars at the end of the reign of Bahram II, which led to the accession of Narseh to the throne. Narseh, the son of Shapur I, had a special place during his father’s reign and finally ascended to the throne in 293 AD. He struck a gold coin before being crowned. Therefore, Narseh coins are divided into two groups in a general classification: pre-coronation and post-coronation. By studying Narseh’s coins, the following questions arise: Why did Narseh strike the gold coin before he became king? And was it common striking the coins, during the Sassanid period, before accessing the throne? 2. What are the symbolic differences between the coins before and after the reign of Narseh? By studying and comparing the similarities and differences of these coins, such as the image of the diadem, which is a symbolic and decisive element in numismatics, the ornaments and appearance features used on obverse and reverse of the coins and the study of various inscriptions, as well as the titles which he had used to describe himself, we conclude that Narseh struck gold coins, which were unusual at the time, in order to publicly announce the succession of the kingdom before he ascended to the throne. On the other hand, Narseh’s conquest and defeat in the battle with the Romans, was one of the main reasons for the changes in the motifs and inscriptions of his coins. This research has been done in a historical-comparative manner and based on library studies and field studies.
 

 In this article, the author examines and compares the similarities and differences of these coins, such as the royal officer, who is in fact the first symbolic element of the kingdom and has a decisive role in the science of coinage, as well as the decorations and outward features used on and behind the coins. The types of inscriptions, as well as the nicknames that Narseh uses in his coins, will indicate that Narseh multiplied gold coins in order to publicly proclaim the succession of the kingdom before he came to the throne. He also used the title “King of Iran and Aniran” to describe himself when he won the first year of his reign in the war with the Romans, but when defeated by the Romans in the second year of his rule, he was forced to accept Peace and in a number of other coins, removed the title “King of Aniran”.
 

On the reverse side of many Narseh’s coins is the scene of the granting of the Prince’s Ring, in which the goddess Anahita bestows the Prince’s Ring, as a symbol of the monarchy, to Narseh. Narseh has also put palm branches on its crown, symbolizing the worship of Goddess Anahita,a question may arise here where does this come from? Generally during the perioud of Kartir, the Sassanian kings largely lost their religious power in the position of guarding the Temple of the Anahita Pool in favor of Kartir, and this continued until the reign of Narseh and eventually succeeded to abandon the Kartir and again brought the temple back to the Sassanid king. The worship of Goddess Anahita may have never been abandoned by the Sassanid king, but with the abandonment of Kartir by Narseh a major religious-political change in the Sassanid Empire led to the return of Narseh to his father Shapur I’st religious status. It was Ardashir I of Sassanid, who held this position in support of King Bahram I and King Bahram II as successor. Later on, we reflect both Narseh’s ideology and religious thought in the Paikuli inscription in which Narseh seizes the prince’s ring from goddess Anahita. It must be acknowledged that Narseh appears in his coins with two types of crowns, the first of which is his royal crown made from a number of small arches or congresses created parallel to the coinage. The second crown of Narseh resembled his first crown, but three or sometimes four palm branches were used to decorate these congresses. The second crown of Narseh is similar to the crown that he holds in the rock relief of Naqsh-eRostam; it must be acknowledged that both the congress and the palm branches are some sort of sign of the goddess Anahita, both of which can be a symbol of the king’s endowment. Or in other words, say that Narseh backed by this Godess has gained his reign. These three or four branches in the crown of the palm for the suppression of uprisings by Narseh has linked Bahram III. Palm trees are symbols of the goddess Anahita because it is associated with plants and their growth.
 

Alram and Gyselen present the timing sequence of Narseh’s coins and their typology in the new SNS series as opposed to Goebb’s theory, namely they believe that the timing of Narseh’s coins appears with a crown that has both congress and three or four branches of palm. The palm branch belongs to the early Narsehb reign, so they are referred to as Type 1 (I) coins, and the coins that appear to be Narseh with only congressional crown are referred to as Late Narseh or Type 2 (II) coins. The removal of palm branches probably dates back to the time after the defeat of the Narseh by the Roman army. As we know, Narseh has no longer used the term “King of Iran and Aniran to describe himself” in the coins he minted after this defeat and historical event, but has removed the word Eniran and has called himself only “King of Iran”.
Finally, in the field of art, Narseh uses the picture of godess Anahita on her coins as well as carved the quality of her Goddess’s coronation in the rock relief of Naqsh-eRostam in which the Godess Anahita donates the royal ring to Narseh and he wants to show his sincerity to Anahita. In the political realm by breaking with Bahram II’s attitude and returning to the tradition of his paternal grandfather Narseh took back the control of Anahita temple from Kartir. In fact, the presence of the symbols of the goddess Anahita in the Narseh’s coins, as well as the presence of this goddess in the rock relief of Naqsh-eRostam alongside the Narseh signify the great religious-political change that put Kartir out of the custody of the Temple of Anahia and the return of that authority to Narseh.

Chiabour site is located in the center part of Romeshgan plain in the west of lorestan province. This site consists of a large mound (that called Chiabour) and some small settlements around it that their total area is 150 hectares. According to the location of this settlement in the whole area and their distance from ache other once could say that they formed a large site in terms of chronology and special relationship. This article aims to recognize the structural correlation and functional role between different parts of this site. The approach article is descriptive-analytical and its data collected through fieldwork survey and documentary studies. Results indicate that Chiabour site combined of a central settlement, an industrial section and some military structures around them that was established during the Parthian period and was used until the late Sassanid era. The large extent of Chiabour along verity of its cultural findings such as ceramics, stone objects and base of broken columns show that Chiabour mound has been governing seat and central part of the site. This central section has been protected by three military buildings; Tolle Khandaghe Mamejo in the southwest, Khandage Rashi in the south and Kandaghe Elfat in the north. Grill slags on the surface of Dargawah mound in the east of the site shows that it was the industrial area of the site.
 

The Romeshgan plain, with an area of 33,000 hectares, is located in the west of Lorestan province. Features such as sedimentary soil with good rainfall (450 mm per year), sufficient water resources and rich pastures have made Romeshgan prone to agricultural and livestock activities in allperiod. In addition to environmental factors, the geographical capability of the Romeshgan Plain should be noted in that it is located alongside of the communication routes from south to northwest Iran and Mesopotamia and vice versa. These factors have led to the formation of numerous and important human communities in the Romeshgan. One of the most significant and important of these sites is the Chiabur site, which is located in the center of the plain and between the mountains of Mahla and Baraftao. The cultural materials collected from the surface of this site indicate the settlement stages of the late chalcolithic, Bronze, Parthian, Sassanid and Islamic periods. The available evidence shows that the most important settlement periods of this area were related to the Parthian and Sassanid periods. This vast site consists of several hills including Chiabur, Tale Khandagh Elfat, Tale Khandagh Rashi, Tale Khandagh Mammejo, Dargava Hill, Kaleke Maliki and Ganelsu Hill.
 In previous studies and researches, each of them has been studied separately. While the position of these sites relative to each other, their close distance, the pattern of distribution and closeness of their cultural materials in term of date show their connection. Given this, the main question is: what is the structural and functional relationship between the different parts of the Chiabur site, and what is the role and position of each of these components in the area? In order to answer the above question, the following hypothesis was considered: Chiabour site in Parthian-Sassanid periods consists of a central area with a number of military structures and an industrial sector. The aim of the present study is to introduce Chiabour area as one of the largest settlements of Parthian and Sassanid periods in western Lorestan and to determine the position and role of each component of this area and how they are related to each other. Introducing and studying this area, while introducing an important site of Parthian and Sassanid periods in the west of Lorestan, will be a step towards better understanding and explaining the position of Romeshgan region in Parthian and Sassanid governments.
 

Chiabour’s parts are a short distance apart, and there are many similarities between the pottery pieces and their architectural remains. Most of the pottery collected on the surface of these sites consists of pottery belonging to the Parthian and Sassanid periods. This could suggest that the sites have had a lot of connection in the historical period and form a single site that each of them had a special function and role in the texture of the site. Due to the large area and location of Chiabour hill, the type, amount and distribution of its cultural materials this site can be placed in the center of the surrounding areas and can be defined a role such as the central area in relation to other areas for it. One of the closest areas to the main prominence of Chiabur Hill is Dargaveh Hill, located 800 meters southeast of it. Due to unauthorized excavations on the site have revealed possible evidence of industrial activity (furnaces). Evidence on the surface of the compound, including the presence of a furnace weld and part of the molten wall, indicates the presence of a pottery furnace located in areas close to the surface. In the northern, southern and eastern parts of Chiabour Hill, there are the Alft, Rashi and Mammejo moats, respectively. Geometrically, these ditches are quadrangular structures around which a pit has been dug. Their structural elements include a rectangular interior space with an embankment and a pit around it. Their average area is about 1.5 hectares and height between 2 and 3 meters above the surrounding land. There is no evidence of defensive fortifications including the castle or the tower around the Chiabour hill. In this case, the ditches around this site could serve as security and defense structures, protecting residents from possible dangers and attacks.
 

The Chiabour site with an area of more than 150 hectares, is formed from a large hill of the same name, the three ditches of Mamjoo, Ulfat and Rashi, as well as three hills with the names of Ganelso, Dargaveh and Kalk Mahki. These hills and ridges were probably different parts of a large settlement and each of them has its own functional role according to their position in the area. At the center of this area is Chiabour Hill, which is more important than other parts of the area, both in terms of size and cultural finds, including architecture, pottery, and stone objects. Architectural evidence on Chiabur Hill suggests the possible erection of a large, columned building that demonstrates the importance of the hill in the structure and texture of the Chiabur complex. Due to the importance of this hill, its location in the center of the Romeshgan plain and its vicinity to the communication routes and the absence of any fortifications and defensive walls around it, the three ditches on its northern, southern and eastern sides as military and defense structures, are supposed to provide security for residents against possible attacks and dangers. The presence of a pottery kiln on the surface of Dargaveh hill indicates the industrial activities inside this area.

The unique structure, a fortress called “Tāq” is from the ancient era of Iran, due to its unique structure and its inaccessible position, it played a key role in the decisive events of the Tabaristān. Famous figures from Manūchehr Pishdādi to Māzyār Qāren, the last Spahbed of Tabaristān, they lived in this fort and this structure has many names and forms of decoration due to its long history. But there are a lot of unknowns about the usage and the main question is, that by examining different appellations of this structure, we will find its variety usage in ancient time. It should be noted, however, that the multiple appellations, regardless of the false imagination and beliefs of the unaware of the secrets and quality of this marvelous structure, at another glance; it is related to its long history and in other words, it can be a reflection of the usage history of this structure over time, and this is the main hypothesis of the study. For the first time, to analyze the Physical changes and Usage changes of “Stronghold-Cave Spahbedān”, based on the appellations and evolution of this structure, its Variety and Usage from the beginning of the cave to the last stage of its historical life. This research method will be based on the method of library studies involving the use of historical documentation and knowledge of vocabulary Etymology and Archaeological field research and Historical geography, with an analytical approach. In reviewing the appellations of the “Stronghold-Cave Spahbedān”, link between some of these names and physical changes & Usages of this structure was identified and evidence of human use of the Paleolithic from this site to the Mithraeum, Rock Grave, Treasury and Fortress were obtained. Reviewed and introduced. so, henceforth referred to as the “Stronghold-Cave Spahbedān”.
 

The Lāp Kamar Mount of the Eastern Alborz Mountains, includes a huge cave. That’s mostly it is considered to be the result of the “kārst” phenomenon. However, according to the authors, the use of the word “Cave” is not wrong, but it has become clear in scientific studies that this crater, despite its high and wide width, does not have much depth and it must be considered an “Vault”, dating back to the third era of geology. This vault and its surrounding structures, together, have created a mysterious fortress called Al-Tāq [Vault]. Today, it is better known as “Spāhbed Khūrshid Cave-Fortress or Spāhbedān Cave-Fortress” and is unique in the ancient structures of Iran and by continuing research activities, more protection and awareness will be at the forefront of the wonders of the world’s rock defense architecture. Spāhbedān of Tabaristan were descendants of “Qāren Pahlav” & “Sāssānid Gāwbāreh” in Savādkūh. Which had retained the imperial manifestations of ancient Iran until then and finally, in the third century AH, with the all-out Arab invasion, which led to the death of Māzyār Qāren, the last Spāhbed of Tabaristān, the era of Spāhbedān Tabaristān ended and the Spāhbedān Cave-Fortress was abandoned and the only access route to the arch was destroyed and this invincible refuge of theirs was lost in the maze of history.
Nearly 1200 years have passed since the last attempts to identify and access all the structures of the arch fort, and it is not unreasonable to put the word “discovered” on this amazing structure. Prior to this research, there was no proper knowledge of it, and the archeological community and related scientific communities in Iran and the world were not aware of the existence and manner of this architectural masterpiece of ancient Iran.
Numerous appellations, it also reflects the background of the usages of this structure over time. The main question is, which by revieww ddifferent denominations of this Structure, Will we achieve its Usages in ancient times. The research method will be based on the method of library studies and the use of historical documents and etymological Survey research and historical geography, with an analytical approach.

The first credible reports of the identification of this Cave-Castle, published by Cavemen (Moshiri, 1950), (Sanjari, 1960) and (Sheikhli, 1962). An Archaeologist; Saman Tofiq conducted the first centralized studies of this structure in 2004, which he introduced as a combination of the cave [arch] + the fort [castle] (Tofiq, 2004) and his surveys at master thesis (Tofiq, 2010) and related article (Tofiq, 2011) published.In 2015 as the Head of the project “Cave-Fortress of Spahbed Khūrshid” he carried out Historical, Archeological &Architectural Studies in two consecutive seasons, (Tofiq,2016) and also conducted additional studies of this structure in the form of a doctoral dissertation (Tofiq, 2018).
The most authoritative of these names, according to historical sources, are: “Div-e Keli [Cave of White Dave], Manūchihr Treasury, Dokān-e Sūleimān, Spāhbedān Cave, Hisn Al-Tāq [Tāq Fortress], Tāq of Darband-e Kūlā, Spāhbed Khūrshid Cave [Fortress], Tāq of Windād Hūrmazd, `Āisha Kargil-e De‍ and Lāp-e Kamar [gap of mountain]” (Tofiq, 2016 /2:12).
For the purpose of appellation and using this fort, we investigate the prehistoric to the third century after Islam. From the remnants of the Paleolithic era to Spāhbedān Tabarestān.
We know that Caves have always been the place of intuition, the Cave-Fortress of Spāhbedān; With these characteristics, in the belief of the common people, is definitely one of the manifestations of Supernatural forces and has been used as a place of gods,Temples or Mithraeum. In prehistoric era, in Būndahishn is considered to be Faridūn Palace in the land of Patishkhwārgar, and in the ibn-e faqih narration was treasury of Manūchihr Shāh too where is the desired location.
The Cave-Fortress of Spahbedān was the center of the Iranian-Arab conflict, and the lasted battlefield from the year (839-642 AD = 21-225 AH) (Tofiq, 1397: 91).

In this article, by analyzing the background and examining the names of the cave-fortress of Spāhbedān, the connection between some of these appellations and physical changes and the use of this structure was identified and evidence of the use of Paleolithic man from this place to Mihr Temple, Rocky grave, the Treasury and the fort were obtained, investigated and identified.
Due to its usage as a fortress and shelter and the Vault or cave form of this structure, it is worth naming it with its real name, “Cave-Fortress of Spahbedān”, which according to studies is the Goldest era of this structure. On the other hand, it became clear that when Khūsrow I, appointed the Qāren House to Spahbeds of Khurāsān in 557 AD, they built or rebuilt buildings such as Darband and Gorgan walls in the northern borders of Tabaristān. Also, the structural similarity of Spahbedān Cave-Fortress with Tāq-e Kisra and the Pahlavi documents of Tabaristān discovered from this area related to Spahbeds of Qāren House” are strong evidence for this theory.

Excavations at Gūriyeh and Jahāngir, have led to the discovery of architectural and exquisite stucco remains belonging to the Sasanian Period. The strategic location of the area at the Central Zagros, its position on one of the important ancient routes to Mesopotamia, and the presence of Kangir River could be among the reasons behind the formation of the mentioned architectural remains. Shortage of information on the historical constructions and residential areas in west of Iran was one of the incentives to run the present research. Among the objectives were answering important questions surrounding chronology of the architectural remains and associated decorations, specifying the main characteristics of the remains and assessing the construction materials used, and finally, investigating on art styles and the influence of various factors in their creation. This research is undertaken using descriptive-analytical methodologies in company with comparative approach. The architectural remains have been built with no foundation using rubbles and half-baked and beaten gypsum mortar, and finally, have been decorated with delicate stucco reliefs. Based on the planning and various findings, the architectural remains could be specified as fortified noble residence at both sites. Thus, as seems obvious from nomenclature, the main function of the remains was most probably residential. The architect(s) and decoration artist(s) of the buildings have binded themselves to consider elements and variables such as natural topography, local climate and environmental characteristics, and even religious beliefs in construction and decoration. The use of anthropomorphic, faunal and floral motifs in frames with symmetric and repetitive geometric fringes is attested in both buildings, which indicates the impact of Sasanian art style in its own local expression. All stucco decorations at Gūriyeh and Jahāngir highlight the symbolic presence of supernatural forces related to the common mythologies, albeit they are sometimes used only as simple ornaments.
 

The results of chronological investigation on the finds from the buildings of Gūriyeh and Jahāngir have indicated that they have been used during the late Sasanian to the fourth century AH., and then, the local nomadic tribes utilized them. Based on the historical texts and the sesimotechtonic-morphotechtonic studies, earthquakes were among one of the culprits leading to the decline of the mentioned settlements in addition to sociopolitical factors. The widespread use of plaster and brick and the associated arching methods in Gūriyeh and Jahāngir is a legacy of Sasanian Period. Given the importance of these buildings, similar to other palaces and noble buildings of the time, they are adorned with delicate stucco decorations. In addition to the importance of accurate scientific documentation of the structures due to the Kangar Dam construction, other objectives were also pursued during excavatios at the area. One of them was gaining more information about the construction of residential areas in western Iran during Sasanian Period and about the transitional phase between Sasanian and Islamic periods in the region. In order to reach the mentioned goal, questiones were developed in minds, such as the followings: Are these architectural structures and the associated stucco decorations belonging to pre-Islamic periods remained in use during the early Islamic centuries? What are the main characteristics, architectural decorations and construction materials used in them? What factors influenced their art styles? and finally, what are the most important features of the stucco decorations recovered during the excavations?
 The corresponding assumptions were also as the followings. In some historical texts, the establishment of such structures is attributed to the early Islamic centuries, but it is more logical to assume their construction was originally of pre-Islamic era, reusing in early Islamic period with some modifications. The buildings were constructed mostly using the locally-found rubbles and half-baked and beaten gypsum mortar. The architect(s) and decoration artist(s) of the buildings have binded themselves to consider elements and variables such as natural topography, local climate and environmental characteristics, and even religious beliefs. In addition to what mentioned, it seems that plus following the common artistic styles of the period, the builders were also influenced by local traditions. Considering the architectural style of the buildings and the associated finds, the buildings most likely held residential/formal function.

Gūriyeh and Jahāngir are archaeological sites located at about 800m South of Sartang-e Soflā village in Zarneh, Eyvan county in some 50km northwest of the city of Ilam at the height of about 1029m asl (Gūriyeh UTM: 605380m E, 3752210m N; Jahāngir UTM: 606595m E, 3752695 N). The two sites are situated along the Kangir river and almost facing each other in opposite directions. From the viewpoint of historical geography, Gūriyeh and Jahāngir were located in a part of the state of Māsbazān which was called Aryuhān. Due to having enjoyable cool and mountainside climate, the region was using as hunting and recreational area during Sasanian and early Abbasid Periods. In the second half of the 4th century AH, Badr ibn Hassanūyah became dominated over Māsbazān, and Hasanūyids family ruled there until 406 AH. From the 3-4th centuries AH onwards, the region was largely vacant. It seems the reason behind the vacancy was largely due to an earthquake that was occurred in the region.
During the excavations, many stucco remains were recovered inside the deposits removed from the buildings. These remains were sometimes healthy and in other times as fragments. The motifs were floral, faunal, and anthropomorphic embedded in a variety of geometric frames. Most stucco fragments have been the coverings of walls, doorways, and niches, which naturally should include motifs that are combined to form recurring scenes. The decorations were originally executed in a delicate manner; but unfortunately were destroyed by various natural and human agents. As a result, none of the pieces was recorded in situ. The newly-found gypsum remains of Gūriyeh and Jahāngir are divided in two groups of stucco decorations and gypsum vessels.

- According to the chronological results and comparative studies, the main construction phase in Gūriyeh and Jahāngir was of Sasanian Period. Then, the buildings were reused during early Islamic Period. Based on the architectural style and findings, the author proposes residential/formal function for the two complexes.
- The use of human, animal and plant motifs in framed geometric friezes in both buildings is influenced by common Sasanian tradition, but with the local identity.
- The stucco reliefs are made using moulding technique with symmetric repetitive motifs.
- The elegance and precision in the execution of the reliefs have been observed to some extent; the use of reflective and translational symmetry is also recorded.
- Floral arrays have been used as fillers of the empty spaces, sometimes between human and animal motifs and on the margins of the designs. It is worth mentioning that the floral motifs were employed in Gūriyeh more than Jahāngir.
- Human motifs were very scarce, as there is only one case recovered from Jahāngir. Thus, the removal of figurative representations during the early Islamic period could be felt at Jahāngir. Even the faunal motifs were covered using a layer of plaster during that period.

Undoubtedly, the emergence of coins is one of the most important achievements of human society. The spread of coins made the standard of trade and commerce between humans and societies clearer. The aim of the research is to study the coins of the Ilkhanid period, the patterns and visual elements used in their decorations in order to achieve communication with religion, language, script and their use in commercial and cultural exchanges. The research is based on the “substantive-theoretical” goal and the “content analysis” method and based on the iconography of Irwin Panoffsky’s views. The method of collecting information and data is “library-archives”. The research problem is: How did the decorative elements on the coin affect the culture of the Ilkhanids? The results of this study indicate that the first coins from this era have writings in the Uighur line and Mongolian language. The presence of phrases such as “La elah el- Allah” and “Mohammad Rasulullah”, along with the names of the Mughal sultans, such as “Muzeddin”, in Persian line, show how the kings of this dynasty from time to time became Muslim. Thus, the Muslim history of Ghazan Khan is clearly characterized by his coins. The first trend towards Shiite religion is also one of the other historical issues that appeared on coins. On the coins of this period, the name of the twelve Imams, especially Imam Ali (AS), is to be seen. As in previous Islamic periods, the motifs of animals and plants, along with Qur’anic inscriptions, have been used to decorate coins. In general, writings related to the Shiite and Sunni religions, geometric decorative frames consisting of circles and squares, plant motifs and animal motifs with the use of Tamgha, are the most visual representations used in Ilkhanid coins.

One of the important developments in the history of the Ilkhanid era was the Islamization of the Mongols and the transformation of the patriarchal government into a Muslim. This development was the result of a series of intellectual, political and social interactions, and different groups played a role in its implementation. Although the first Mongol rulers had a different religion, there are Islamic rites on their coins. Mongol coins of the eighteenth and late nineteenth centuries are unique in the ancient world in terms of design, shape, materials used and writing elements. The presence of the Ilkhans with their religious, Buddhist, Christian, religious tolerance in the political arena of Iran, who had their own religious and cultural beliefs. The works discussed in this study are related to a number of coins of the Ilkhanate period. The study of the visual elements of coins puts the audience on the path of changes in the style of Iranian art in this period, considering the influence of Islam on the tastes of rulers. The importance of research is that art is influenced and influenced in a two-way relationship with culture and religion.
The aim and necessity of the research: The aim of this paper is to analyze the visual elements of Ilkhanid coins with an iconographic approach in order to achieve a logical connection between the elements used in Ilkhanid coins with culture and religion during the process of describing and interpreting the motifs.
Question and Hypothesis: The answer to this question: What do the visual elements of the coins of the patriarchal period have to do with the culture and religion of the patriarchal period? It has led to this research. The research hypothesis indicates that the use of human elements according to Islamic teachings, as in previous Islamic periods, has decreased and more attention has been paid to geometric patterns, animals and plants along with Quranic inscriptions.
Research

The present study covers the study of visual elements in the illustration of patriarchal coins. Various methods can be used to achieve a coherent historical structure for categorizing and introducing patterns, and answering article questions. In this study, the iconographic method was selected. By researching the coins of the patriarchal period with an iconographic approach, the connection between the theme of the work and the form emerges. On this basis, the coins of the patriarchal period are viewed as textual images.
 

Most of the Mongol coins are made of silver. Some of these coins depict various images of animals, such as peacocks, lions, cats, eagles and cows, the image of the cross and the inscription of Bismillah. Most of these coins were minted in the eastern part, especially in the city of Tus. Most of the decorations on the coins are inscriptions that include prayers and titles with the Kufic script engraved on the coins. The general shape of all coins of this period is circular or elliptical, in some cases the coins also have a ring-shaped section that has been added to the circular section. . In some coins, only the name of the sultan is written in Persian letters, in order to recognize the new king from the previous ruler. The name and titles of the sultan are often written in Persian words and letters. In early Islamic coins, the use of geometric patterns was limited to circles or concentric circles, and only in a few cases, such as some Al-Buwayh coins, did geometric divisions apply to coins. This use of geometric patterns increases little by little and in a limited way, creating shapes that fit the circular and small space of the coins in this era. The Tamagha, as a brand, were usually associated with a particular tribe. When a tribe was separated or divided, the new institution of the Tamagha changed. But the old symbol was still preserved. Tamagha was typically associated with the leader of that group, thus becoming a symbol and property of the aristocracy and thus inherited by their sons. As the Mongol Empire began to organize, the Tamagha became a trademark of the government and were not only a symbol of Khan’s approval and approval, but also later appeared on coins.
 

The importance of Ilkhani coins in recognizing the events and social events is significant. The reflection and impact of these events on the role of motifs, writings, as well as the quality of coinage, can be seen and examined. These motifs have religious themes, and on the other hand, it seems that the reflection of the image that the patriarchal king wanted to create in the minds of the audience of coins, and the visual elements, the key role in this. On Ilkhanid coins, it is generally dedicated to religious rites and the coinage of coins to inform and honor kings. In special and small cases, figurative motifs can be seen on the coins. The main motifs used on the coins are margins that enclose the inscriptions. The composition of the text is based on the shape of the main margin and is completely shaped accordingly. For the first time, coins and inscriptions were minted on coins that had nothing to do with the official religion and propagated. There are various animal and geometric patterns on the coins of this period. Animal, geometric, lion and sun symbols are among the most important motifs and motifs used in these coins.

The warm and arid climate of the Sistan area has given the people of Sistan valuable experiences to adapt to the environment through various historical periods. Therefore, it is necessary to recognize and use historical experiences such as the “Kharkhaneh Machi Castle” as one of the Safavid antiquities in adaptation to the environment. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to investigate the conformity of the Kharkhaneh Machi Castle architecture with 120-day wind speed of Sistan. The present research question is how did the chamber of Kharkhaneh Machi Castle perform Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) in terms of structural adaptation to the 120-day winds of Sistan at an average velocity of 6.5 m/s? The research method is descriptive-analytical and based on documentary, library and field studies in the ancient city of Howzdar Sistan and Machi castle. CFD software has been used to simulate the wind. Due to the complexity of the architecture, the geometrical volume of the Machi castle was produced in Ansys and 3D Max software. Production of network independence was performed with Ansys Meshing software. Meteorological data and WRPLOT View software were used to identify the wind parameters. The CFD simulation results show that the “wind speed” in the valve and interior part of the Kharkhaneh chamber covers a numerical range between 4/93e+00 to 9/87e-01. Also, when facing the exit door (southwest room door) it has the largest numerical range between 2/96e+00 to 1/97e+00. In addition, the “direction of the wind” hits the south wall as soon as it enters the Kharkhaneh directly and slightly to the right. The wind direction in the north porch is rotated, causing air circulation and air conditioning in the north porch room and Kharkhaneh chamber. CFD results and archaeological data confirm the favorable operation and use of the 120-day Sistan winds during the warm months of the year in the Kharkhaneh chamber of Machi Castle.

Sistan region in eastern Iran has unique features. The area is known as the “Land of the Wind” due to the long and various winds, “especially 120-day winds”, and the persistence of these winds throughout the year, with significant strength and speed. Therefore, it differs from many other windy regions of Iran. The 120-day winds of Sistan are mostly flowing from north and northwest. On the other hand, the climate of this region, with the maximum annual temperature above 40 ’C and the long summer season, has created difficult natural conditions. This has led to people’s initiatives in understanding the process and mechanism of wind flow and the ways in which it can be used in architecture. In this respect, the “Kharkhaneh” are the architectural structures that are admirably built to suit the environmental and climatic conditions of the area. The ingenuity of this architecture demonstrates their clever use of nature. Understanding how the wind flows, functions, and adaptation of Kharkhaneh to 120-day winds will help archaeologists discover and present a relevant and scientific analysis of living conditions in hot and dry areas. Accordingly, the use of appropriate techniques and techniques for archaeologists is essential for the analysis of wind conditions in difficult climates. One of the most valuable examples in the field of architecture is the “Kharkhaneh Room of Machi Castle”, which is used as a model of ancient architecture to refine modern architecture. Since the average 120-day wind speed, recorded by Zabol Meteorological Station in June, July, August, and September, is about 6.5 m/s, therefore, the purpose of this study was to investigate the compatibility of the Kharkhaneh Room of Machi Castle (Safavid period) with the average speed of these types of winds under normal conditions. In this study, the most powerful Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) method is used to analyze the wind flow condition of Machi Castle. So, the most important research question is: How did the Sistan Kharkhaneh Room of Machi Castle perform in terms of building compliance with the 120-day wind direction of Sistan and an average speed of 6.5 m/s?

The Machi Castle is located in a Howzdar area, 60 km southwest of Zabol city, between the Shahr-e Sukhteh and Tasuki towns. According to meteorological data, with the onset of the prevailing winds (120-day wind of Sistan) in May to September, the average of these winds has been determined. Due to the large volume of simulation operations and the variety of output scenarios, the average wind speed of 6.5 m/s was performed on the Kharkhaneh Room of Machi Castle by Ansys Fluent software.
Wind current simulation with average speed of 6.5 m/s and effects and direction of 120-day winds speed has been analyzed once with the hypothesis of “opening the valve of the Kharkhaneh and the door of the room” and again with the hypothesis of “closing the valve of the Kharkhaneh and the door of the room” in the outer and inner space of the Kharkhaneh. CFD simulation results in the northern part of the Machi Castle, “wind speed”, show numerical ranges with the highest range of 9/86e+00 to the lowest range of 1/16e-03. In addition, the wind speed in the valve and interior part of the Kharkhaneh Room ranges from 3/95e+00 to 5/92e+00. The “direction of the wind” also indicates that as soon as the wind enters the Kharkhaneh Room, it hits the south wall directly and slightly bent to the right. After collisions and lateral disturbances, the wind flows to the northern porch of the castle because of the cabinet door in the southwest, and then enters the central courtyard of the castle via the northern porch.
 

CFD simulation with an average wind speed of 6.5 m/s, in the north side of the Machi castle, shows the wind speed and direction in the valve and interior part of the Kharkhaneh. Since there is an interior wall opposite the direct current wind at the end of the Kharkhaneh room, after the wind has hit the wall, it flows to the west or to the door of the Kharkhaneh room and then enters the north porch. Also, the simulation results of the “wind direction” show that the wind direction has found its way out to the north porch of the castle due to the Kharkhaneh door in the southwest. Based on the different results and outputs, understanding how the function of Kharkhaneh Room of Machi Castle and adapting its architecture to the north and northwest directions, the average 120-day wind speeds of Sistan during the warm months of the year are confirmed in the Safavid period. The present study is the first archaeological research into the impact of wind on the architecture of the castle.

Hypostyle hall has an ancient root in the history of Iranian architecture. And has been used in various historical periods. Hypostyle hall is used for responding to the need to have collective space and splendor that creates this element through the multiplicity and height of the columns; mainly in formal cultural, or social applications and palaces. The hypostyle hall forms with the start of the Iron Age in the northwest of Iran. The first one was identified at the Hasanlu Tepe located in northwest of the Iran. In the Achaemenid period, Hypostyle hall were used in the form of the palaces and Apadana. Hypostyle hall, Following the arrival of Islam to Iran, First, it was used to build yard in early mosques, but soon it became confined to the built homes and mosques of the cold regions. At the beginning of the Safavid period and the formation of a unifies state of Shiite religion, according to inscriptions, most wooden hypostyle mosques were built in cities and villages of Azerbaijan at the same time with the government of Shah Tahmasb and one century later hypostyle hall was entered to the palaces of Safavid kings in their capital, Isfahan city. Due to the lack of archaeological excavations and the lack of inscriptions on construction in some other wooden mosques of Azerbaijan, it is not possible to discuss the origin and initial patterns of those mosques, which are all researchers, due to the low durability of beams and wooden columns. This paper in addition to studying the evolution of the hypostyle halls in Iranian architecture, wants to respond to the origin of the formation of Azerbaijan wooden mosques in northwest of the Iran. The method of this paper is historical-interpretation. Also in the comparative studies with other architectural models have been used in comparative method.

Iranian architecture consists of a variety of elements, each of which has been experienced in different applications during their evolutionary course. Hypostyle hall is one of the important elements of Iranian architecture that plays an important role in defining cultural or social spaces and palaces over history. Achaemenid architecture is known as the use of hypostyle hall iv form of Apadana and palaces. This element has flourished in pre - Achaemenid periods in Iran, in Urartu and Masiean architecture. One of the most prominent works of post - Islam architecture can be seen in the northwestern Iranian wooden mosques (Azerbaijan). At the same time, under the rule of Shah Tahmasb government, according to inscriptions in some mosques, a significant number of mosques are constructed in most cities and villages of Azerbaijan, especially Maragha, Bonab, Ajabshir and etc, but in the absence of written documents and conclusive proof of archaeological evidence, it is impossible to build all these mosques to the beginning of the Safavid period. As some of the other valuable mosques have no inscription or inscriptions related to the history of repairs.
The hypothesis of this study about the history of construction hypostyle halls in the post - Islam architecture is not limited to the beginning of the Safavid period, even one of the distinguishing characteristics of Seljik architecture in the region of Azerbaijan has been the use of wooden hypostyle halls in the construction of local mosque in the region and these techniques during the years of preservation and experience in Safavid architecture , first in construction of mosques and about 100 years later in government palaces will be more common. Considering the questions presented, the present paper intends to clarify the ambiguities about evolution and origins of hypostyle hall in Azerbaijan wooden mosques. 
 

With the advent of Iron Age (1500-550 BC), in the northwestern part of Iran, significant changes occur, one of the most important of which is the formation of hypostyle halls. The first example of a hypostyle hall in Iran is located in Hasanlu Tepe (1500-1200 BC). The process of transformation of hypostyle halls indicates that the problem of the gap between the columns is the main concern of many ancient - era builders and was used only in specific cultural or social applications of this model (Gopnik, 2010: 196). The Achaemenid developed hypostyle hall in form of Apadana (Kleiss, 2008).
Despite the extension of the realm of Islam and the conquests of Muslims in all parts of Iran, for a long time, the art of architecture still relied on the elements of the past (Kiani, 2013: 39). The Iranian hypostyle hall also made some initial mosques for some time. This style was limited to homes and mosques in cold and mountainous regions in the following centuries. One of the most significant remains of hypostyle hall architecture after Islam can be seen in Maragha’s wooden mosques and other Azerbaijani cities in northwest Iran. Maragha mosques, wooden columned and ceilings are one of the most interesting architectural styles in western Iran after Islam. This style is imitated during the flourishing period of the Safavid era architecture in Isfahan and produces valuable works such as Aliqapu and Chehelsotun palace (Varjavand, 1975: 13). A wider tradition of wooden architecture best represented by mosques of Central Asia, Kashmir, northwestern Iran, and post-Seljuk Anatolia (Koch, 2013: 376).
 

In this paper, one of the most important elements of Iranian architecture was studied and analyzed. According to the studies, the important factors in the construction of the hypostyle hall can be pointed out to the climate and cultural and social and political factors. The origins of the hypostyle hall were introduced mountainous areas of Azerbaijan and Hasanlu Tepe. Where unlike the central plateau of Iran, where many reasons, because of the abundance of natural resources, a little need of time, availability, and so on shape has been formed. As well as the abundance of wood in this region, it has played an important role in building the columns and ceiling of these hypostyle hall, and perhaps there are dangers such as fire and wear, which cannot be found in all historical periods. One of the most significant remains of hypostyle hall architecture after Islam can be seen in wooden mosques of Azerbaijan cities in northwest Iran. This style is imitated during the flourishing period of the Safavid era architecture in palaces. The exact history of the construction of the Azerbaijan mosques, is not determined. The historical, which is often considered for them, is Safavid era. But with respect to the history of the hypostyle hall before Islam in this region as well as wooden mosques in Anatolia after the Mongol invasion, in addition to the style of the mosques brick decoration in the outer wall of the mosques and so on it is reason for the construction of these mosques in the Seljuk and Ilkhanid period, and even before it in the cities of Azerbaijan, especially Maragha, which was one of the major cities of that period.

Studies conducted in the domain of Iranian architecture are extensive as well as diverse. In these studies, different meanings of geometry are considered, and consequently, a wide variety of orders of Iranian architecture can be identifiable. Extensive studies are conducted on each of these geometrical orders of Iranian architecture. The importance of elaboration on these geometrical orders in comparison to each other is of great importance and considerable. Moreover, it would be able to prevent many of the errors that occurred. Taking into account the mentioned explanations, the underlying theme of this research is that what types of geometrical orders can be recognized among the votes of Iranian architectural research? This research is based on an assumption that geometrical orders of Iranian architecture have various types and levels which are elaborated till today. In this research, the qualitative content analysis method is applied to study the votes of the researcher. Choosing texts for this research and initial coding was based on the targeted selection among texts connected to the network of consistent concepts with geometry (basic concepts) in relation to Iranian architecture. Afterwards, selected texts were classified and named based on the similarities in fields (main topics), and again, these topics are secondly classified and named based on the similarities in fields. The results obtained from the geometrical orders of Iranian architecture include Geometrical orders of Human dimensions, climatic geometrical orders, geometrical orders of organization, aesthetic form geometrical orders and aesthetic arrays geometrical orders. It is noteworthy that these geometrical orders crystalize from the galaxy of Iranian geometrical architecture woven and impartible; therefore the primary goal of their identification is to gain cognition toward individually to shed light on them.