پژوهش نامه ایرانی سیاست بین الملل
سال نهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 18، بهار و تابستان 1400)

The promotion of peace as a national identity is the most prominent feature of Norway's post-Cold War foreign policy. The reputation of the Norwegian peace model in the international system, despite its geopolitical constraints, is the topic of this paper. The authors use the nation-building theoretical framework to show how peace diplomacy has become the branding of Norwegian foreign policy despite significant and influential actors. Qualitative data analysis was based on historical and causal explanations. The text suggests that the Norwegian global branding results from focusing resources on the cultural-historical benefits of peacebuilding/ Peacekeeping.

The psychological study of political leaders is popular with foreign policy analysts. This study studies Carter’s psychology to explain his foreign policy decisions before and after the Iranian Islamic Revolution. The theoretical framework used in the article is emotional, rational behavioral therapy developed by the American psychologist Albert Ellis. This article analyses Carter's personality by examining the influential events of Carter's life and how he interprets them. This method has a historical approach for analyzing one's life that means a cycle of external events transforms into results with continuous interpretations. Continuously based on this model, Carter's five prominent personality traits have been extracted.The research results show that Carter’s dealing with the Iran revolution and the Iran hostage crisis was based on his psychological characteristics such as perfectionism and

One demand of ethnic and linguistic minorities in some countries is political independence. Kurds and Catalans in Iraq and Spain are among the minorities who held the independence referendum in 2017. The present study compares the two referendums regarding the fields, process, results, and outcomes. In various dimensions, using the analytical-comparative method, the findings show few similarities and significant differences between the two referendums in terms of historical, political, economic conditions. In terms of the holding process, both started with the exact mechanism, but during the holding, they differed sharply due to the different approaches of the two central governments of Iraq and Spain. In terms of results, the two referendums are similar regarding the ratio of positive votes to independence. In terms of outcome, both Iraqi Kurdistan and Spanish Catalonia faced similar negative consequences such as political isolation, lack of international support, economic problems, etc. Still, there is no consensus on how and to what extent these consequences affected local, national, and international levels. They are different due to the set of intra-systemic components such as the internal situation of Kurdistan/ Iraq and Catalonia/ Spain and extra-systemic components such as the interests of regional and global powers in these two areas of the referendum.

AbstractChina and India's rapid growth and development in recent years, with two different political structures, have made them an attractive phenomenon in development issues. In so far as that, the two countries have become models for other developing societies which seek to understand the relationship between political structure and development. India is a country with a democratic infrastructure, but China has an authoritarian and centralized system. The present paper seeks to examine the relationship between political structure and economic development in India and China based on the model of the developmental state of Adrian Leftwich. Therefore, the current article investigates the relationship between political structure and economic development in these two countries. We hypothesize that the existence of developmental state indicators in these two countries has led to the economic development of India and China. The level of democratic freedom does not necessarily determine development. This study shows that the existence of the characteristics of a developmental state, including developmental elites, the relative independence of the state, strong bureaucracy, and weak civil society, has provided the necessary grounds for development in China and India. This paper is based on data and documentary-library

According to the terms of the investment treaties, one of the conditions for sea economic activities is the link between such activities and the host state's maritime zones. Therefore, every move has the protection of treaties when they are within the national jurisdiction of the parties to the treaty. Hence, it is difficult to expand the protection of treaties for investment beyond national jurisdiction. Besides, the lack of clear regulations in this field challenges future investments. The fundamental question is how to gain protection under investment agreements beyond the maritime areas of states? The present paper aims to resolve the existing challenge using quantitative and qualitative methods and achieved results. First, in the analysis of investment agreements, Iran and the European Union have used three explicit, implicit, and silence approaches in defining the scope of their territory, and in this regard, in the "Energy Charter Treaty (1994)" and the "EU and Canada treaty (2016), which have taken an explicit approach on territory, have referred to the "nature of economic activity and investment" in response to the challenge, which is the solution to this challenge. Second, it does not encompass any kind of nature, but only implies the "nature of the economic activity and investment with a global approach" that can be applied more precisely to "investment or economic activity in cables and pipelines" because they have a global nature and are currently the only example of economic activity that steps into the high sea and to effective, the protection has to accompany with the economic activity. Therefore, by inferring from the case of "Deutsche Bank v. Sri Lanka" and the application of arguments on economic activity and investment in cables and pipelines with a global nature, the

One of the central issues is the impact of the idea and assumption of strategic loneliness on the goals, motives, and regional strategies of the decision-making elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the tense and critical area of West Asia. The current research investigates why the Islamic Republic of Iran suffers from strategic loneliness, and which doctrines have it used to get out of strategic loneliness? The study hypothesizes that the change of regime from Pahlavi to the Islamic Republic caused, on the one hand, Iran to have practically no stable and robust ally except Syria. On the other hand, a front of allies within the region and beyond has surrounded the country. This issue has led Iran to endogenous deterrence and abroad activities to cope with foreign threats. The findings show that supporting liberation movements, blocking threat sources, confronting the United States, deterring US regional allies, alongside prominent strategies such as regional ban and counter-access, unconventional land and sea warfare, classical and neo-ballistic missile deterrence, drone industry, Hezbollah model, and Lebanonization, alliances with trans-regional actors, religious and cultural diplomacy indicate the wrong idea of strategic loneliness. Iran follows these policies to get out of strategic loneliness and regional isolation. The research method is qualitative and refers to the primary library documents.

method. By using profound studies in ISIS and its patrons' related writings and texts, this research sets out a novel study about ISIS. This research aims to identify the latent layer of ISIS formation and expansion in Iraq and the role of Saudi Arabia in ISIS expansion. The current study uses the ontological security theory and Giddens`concept of "protective cocoon" to find out why ISIS rose and spread in Iraq. Findings show that Saudi Arabia, as the leading supporter of the takfiris, played a crucial role in expanding ISIS. Saudi Arabia follows a danger emancipation strategy to obtain strategic stability and constant security, compete and make regional equilibrium by strategic hegemony. This strategy refers to release from Takfiri groups danger inside Saudi Arabia and send their danger into other countries. In other words, Saudi Arabia, as the primary origin of Takfiri terrorism, tries to displace potential interior threatening into real privileges. Saudi Arabia uses this policy by replacing and exporting Takfiri terrorism to other countries. The findings of this article show that besides different aims that Saudi Arabia -as the prominent supporter of Takfiri groups- pursues in Iraq, the main objective is to release its regimes from the danger of interior groups by displacing and export them outside of their motherhood territory. This policy helped the expansion of ISIS in Iraq. Still, in the long term, Saudi Arabia society's interior threatening and conflicts will not be decreased and will remain an internal danger for the Saudi Arabia regime.

The current study examines the Obama administration’s foreign policy in Latin America. The research investigates the factors, components, and criteria of the Obama administration's foreign policy in the region. The study hypothesizes that the Obama administration’s Latin America foreign policy falls within the liberal internationalist ideology. Obama’s engagement diplomacy had a profound and different impact on the region's political and economic structures. For example, a strategic shift in relations with Cuba after 70 years of conflict made the US a positive image. In the next step, the Obama administration accepted immigrants from Latin America based on selecting candidates and elites, mainly from the students. The decision-making process in the Obama administration comes first to his former theoretical attitudes and then back to the views of Democratic

The myth of internal/ external distinction in foreign policy analysis has been questioned for a long time. Despite that, Iran's foreign policy in the second Pahlavi is mostly analyzing according to structural theories. This paper considers most of the Iranian foreign policy determinants in the second Pahlavi era. The current research investigates the foreign relations patterns in the second Pahlavi era. According to documents and the history of foreign relations, three patterns are distinguished. Disperse order, in which high social participation and weak state structure are its characteristics, appears in confronting different orientations, indecisiveness, stalemate, and crisis in foreign relations. Centralized order emerges when social forces are marginalized or removed. Arbitrary decision making, regional intervention, external lavishing, questioning great powers are outcomes of this order in foreign policy. In the middle, keep a balance between social participation and state capacity bring about peaceful and cooperative behaviors in foreign relations such as finding foreign political and financial support, unity with tremendous and regional powers, and win the international institutions' support. As a result, balance order, as productive and low-cost,

Extensive water shortages and the lack of access to water resources result in poor economic development and national security threats worldwide. The scope and complexity of water challenges are beyond national and regional boundaries, and thus it cannot be fully addressed by national or regional policies. Over the past sixty years, efforts have been made to address these challenges. Initial steps were mainly based on the development of large-scale physical infrastructures, such as dams and reservoirs, to reproduce new water resources but were not enough to address the continuing problems of water management. In this paper, while addressing some of the significant global water challenges and critical deficiencies in global water resource management, new, regional and international legal frameworks to address these challenges have been identified. Considering the common legal frameworks, governments can take adequate steps to improve global water management and address significant water challenges in the 21st century.

Common historical and cultural features and geopolitics proximity encourage energy, transit, and regional cooperation between Iran and Turkmenistan. This article examines the different aspects of economic relations between Iran and Turkmenistan, including the opportunities and challenges as well as the potentials to develop ties. The current research also investigates the different ways through which Iran can involve in Turkmenistan's economy. The findings show that is that it can be achieved by strengthening the transit lines and resolving Iranian exporters' visas, guaranteeing investment risk, prioritizing economic diplomacy, and defining common interests in the transit area. Both countries are of great importance in the international arena because energy exports strengthening the cooperation between the two countries could lead to a more significant impact of these two actors internationally. This article attempts to describe the main issues of this paper is a descriptive and analytical method.

The election of Donald J. Trump as President of the United States in November.08.2016 raised many questions about the future of American foreign policy, including the effect of electing a leader who rejected many of the long-standing principles of American foreign policy in his campaign speeches. Given that the Trump administration carried the heritage of Republicans and Democrats in foreign policy, what could be the future of US foreign policy? Perhaps many observers would conclude that Trump's foreign policy lacked any particular structure, coherence, or strategy in recognizing a president like Donald Trump. He lacked the usual order and sudden changes in the course of action.In foreign policy, Trump has pursued an America First agenda, withdrawing the US from the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations, the Paris Agreement on climate change, and the Iran nuclear deal. He imposed import tariffs which triggered a trade war with China, moved the US embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, and withdrew US troops from northern Syria. Trump met with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un three times, but talks on denuclearization broke down in 2019. In addition to these cases, expressing friendships with Putin, peace talks with the Taliban, ignoring human rights issues in relations with Saudi Arabia, unilateralism in many policies, and disregard for the views of its key European allies, among many other cases, all evoke a picture of foreign policy confusion.The question that arises is whether we have witnessed fundamental changes and the adoption of new models in foreign policy in the macro and strategic foreign policy of the United States during the four years of Trump, or has this policy been a continuation of the previous trend? .In this research, the descriptive-analytical method and referring to the opinions of experts have been used. An attempt has been made to evaluate US foreign policy in the short period of Trump in the light of a combined conceptual framework. A combination of realistic theories, the first type, and family similarities can help explain the continuation of major US foreign policy strategies under Donald J. Trump`s administration.The ultimate goal is to assist American studies in the field of international relations courses and to provide a clearer picture of US foreign policy"